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TOPIC: Edwards, Jonathan - Personal Writings (Other Topics in this Collection)
SUBJECT: 23
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CHAPTER XXIII.
SICKNESS OF MR. EDWARDS--"GODS LAST END IN CREATION"--"NATURE OF
VIRTUE"--MR. EDWARDS SECOND SON RESIDES AT ONOHQUAUGA--DANGERS OF THE
WAR--LETTER TO MR. ERSKINE--LETTER TO COL. WILLIAMS--LORD
KAIMES--LETTER TO MR. ERSKINE--LETTER TO MR. M'CULLOCH--LETTER OF DR.
BELLAMY--"TREATISE ON ORIGINAL SIN"--LETTER TO HIS FATHER--LETTER TO
MR. ERSKINE.
In July, 1754, Mr. Edwards had a most severe attack of the ague and
fever, which lasted until January. It wholly disqualified him from
writing even to his correspondents, and greatly enfeebled his
constitution. In the course of the spring following, he began the
preparation of two other treatises, which were entitled, "A
Dissertation concerning the End for which God created the World;" and
"A Dissertation concerning the Nature of True Virtue." These two
subjects are fundamental in a system of theology. On the first, many
writers had hazarded occasional remarks; yet it has rarely occupied
the space even of a chapter or a section in theological systems; and I
know not whether any writer before Mr. Edwards had made it the subject
of a formal and separate treatise. From the purest principles of
reason, as well as from the fountain of revealed truth, he
demonstrates that the chief and ultimate end of the Supreme Being, in
the works of creation and providence, was the manifestation of his own
glory, in the highest happiness of his creatures. The treatise was
left by the author, as at first written, without being prepared for
the press; yet it exhibits the subject in a manner so clear and
convincing, that it has been the manual of theologians from the time
of its publication to the present.
The nature of virtue has been a frequent subject of discussion among
ethical writers of almost every class, heathen, infidel, and
Christian. Aristotle, and other ancient moralists, supposed virtue to
consist in avoiding extremes, and in following the mean in everything.
Others of the ancients defined virtue to be living according to
nature. Balguy and Doddridge represent it as consisting in acting
agreeably to the moral fitness of things. Wollaston places it in
regard to truth. Hutcheson defines it to be " a quality apprehended in
some actions which produces approbation and love towards the actor,
from those who receive no benefit from the action. Many writers,
ancient and modern, have placed virtue in imitation of God; and many
others in obedience to the will of God. Waterland, Rutherforth, and
(John) Brown, have placed it in a wise regard to our own interest.
Bishop Butler says, that "a due concern about our own interest or
happiness, and a reasonable endeavour to promote it, is virtue;" and
that "benevolence, singly considered, is in no sort the whole of
virtue." Hume, who appears to have read several of the works or
Edwards, and to have made use of them in accommodation to his own
views, includes in his description of virtue, whatever is agreeable
and useful to ourselves and others. Adam Smith refers it to the
principal of sympathy. Paley, who read Edwards with care, defines
virtue to be "The doing good to mankind in Obedience to the will of
God, and for the sake of everlasting happiness." Cumberland, in his
Laws of Nature, justly regards it as consisting in the love of God,
and of our fellow-creatures, and explains himself thus, "The
foundation of all natural law is the greatest benevolence of every
rational agent towards all.
Mr. Edwards represents virtue as founded in happiness; and as being
love to the greatest happiness, or love to the happiness of universal
being. He describes it, as leading its possessor to desire, and to
promote, as far as in him lies, the happiness of all beings, and a
greater degree of happiness in preference to a less. His account of
the subject is in exact accordance with the decision of reason.
Happiness is the end, for which intelligent beings were made, the
perfection of their existence; and therefore virtue, or moral
excellence, must be love to that happiness. It is also in exact
accordance with the Scriptures. The sum of our duty is unquestionably
virtue. But Moses sums up our duty in two commands, "Thou shalt love
the Lord thy God with all thy heart" and "Thou shalt love thy
neighbour as thyself:" in other words, Thou shalt love the happiness
of universal being.
When the Scriptures had so plainly pointed out the nature of virtue,
as consisting in love; and its foundation, as being happiness; it is
not a little remarkable, that so many acute writers, with the
Scriptures in their hands, should have formed views either so obscure,
or so erroneous, of these subjects; and, perhaps not less remarkable,
that Mr. Edwards should have been able to discover its true nature,
and its real foundation, at a very early age, as clearly as he did in
after-life. That this was the case, no one will want evidence, who
reads the various articles under the head of Excellency, particularly
the last, in the Notes on the Mind [61] .
These two treatises were first published together in a pamphlet, in
Boston, in 1788, without alteration from the rough draught of the
author. He designed them both for publication, but never prepared
either of them for the press. Though conceived and expressed with
great perspicuity, they treat of subjects, which demand close thought
in the reader, as well as the writer; and, on this account, have often
been imperfectly comprehended, even by divines. But wherever they have
been read and understood, they have to such a degree formed and
regulated the views of theologians, with regard to the subjects of
which they treat, that other treatises are consulted, rather as
objects of curiosity, or history, than as guides of opinions and
principles [62] .
In February, or early in March, this year, Mr. Edwards sent his second
son, Jonathan, [63] then a lad of nine years of age, to Onohquauga, to
reside with Mr. Hawley, that he might learn more perfectly the
language of the Iroquois. He continued there about a twelvemonth;
when, in consequence of the war with France, the danger of attack from
the Indians became so imminent, that Mr. Hawley returned with him to
his father's house.
The war of 1754 was most disastrous to the colonies; and the frontier
settlements of New England, of which Stockbridge was one, were exposed
to unceasing anxiety and alarm, from their constant liability to
attack from the French savages. In the autumn, several of the
inhabitants of Stockbridge were killed by these marauders; in
consequence of which it became a garrisoned town; and every family had
quartered upon it its own quota of the soldiers, necessary for the
defence of the place. The state of things, in this respect, may be
learned from the following letter of Mr. Edwards, to the officer who
had the command of the troops in that part of the county.
"Stockbridge, Feb. 26, 1755.
sir,
We have not lodgings and provisions, so as to board and lodge more
than four soldiers; and being in a low state as to my health, and not
able to go much abroad, and upon that and other accounts, under much
greater disadvantages than others to get provisions, it is far this
reason, and not because I have a disposition to make difficulty, that
I told the soldiers of this province, who had hitherto been provided
for here, that we could not board them any longer. I have often been
told that you had intimated, that you have other business for them in
a short time. Captain Hosmer has sent three of his men to lodge at my
house, whom I am willing to entertain, as I choose to board such as
are likely to be continued for our defence in times of danger.
Stebbins has manifested to us a desire to continue here. Him,
therefore, I am willing to entertain, with your consent. Requesting
your candid construction of that, which is not intended in any
inconsistence with my having all proper honour and respect, I am
Your humble servant,
jonathan edwards."
The subsequent letter to Mr. Erskine will show, still more fully, the
state of alarm and terror then existing at Stockbridge.
"Stockbridge, April 15, 1755.
rev. and dear sir,
The last year, in the spring, I received, without a letter, a packet
containing the following books: Casaubon on Enthusiasm; Warburton's
Principles of Natural and Revealed Religion; Merrick on Christ the
True Vine; Campbell's Apostles no Enthusiasts; Discourse on the
Prevailing Evils of the Present Time; Remarks on Apostles no
Enthusiasts; Moncrieff's Review and Examination of some Principles in
Campbell's Apostles no Enthusiasts; Gilbert on the Guilt and Pardon of
Sin; Hervey on the Cross of Christ; An Account of the Orphan School,
&c. at Edinburgh; Memorial Concerning the Surgeon's Hospital;
Gairdner's Account of the Old People's Hospital; State of the Society
in Scotland for Propagating Christian Knowledge; Abridgment of the
Rules of said Society; Regulations of the Town's Hospital at Glasgow;
and Annals of the Persecution of the Protestants in France.
In the beginning of last December, I received another packet without a
letter; the wrapper superscribed with your hand. In this were the
following pamphlets: A Sermon by a Lay Elder, before the Commission; A
Letter to a Gentleman at Edinburgh; Resolutions of the General
Assembly, of May 22d, 1736; Rutherford's Power of Faith and Prayer;
Inquiry into the Method of Settling Parishes; The Nature of the
Covenant and Constitution of the Church of Scotland; Essay on Gospel
and Legal Preaching; Necessity of Zeal for the Truth; A Vindication of
the Protestant Doctrine of Justification, against the Charge of
Antinomianism. The last week I received a letter from you, dated 11th
July, 1754; which was found at Mr. Prince's by one that went to Boston
from hence, and had lain there Mr. Prince could not tell how long. In
this letter you make mention of these last-mentioned pamphlets,
received last December. I now return you my hearty thanks for this
letter, and these generous presents. I should have written to you long
ago, had I not been prevented by the longest and most tedious sickness
that ever I had in my life: It being followed with fits of ague which
came upon me about the middle of last July, and were for a long time
very severe, and exceedingly wasted my flesh and strength, so that I
became like a skeleton. I had several intermissions of the fits by the
use of the Peruvian bark; but they never wholly left me till the
middle of last January. In the mean time, I several times attempted to
write letters to some of my friends about affairs of importance, but
found that I could bear but little of such writing. Once, in
attempting to write a letter to Mr. Burr, a fit of the ague came upon
me while I was writing, so that I was obliged to lay by my pen. When
my fits left me they left me in a poor weak state, so that I feared
whether I was not going into a dropsy. Nevertheless, I have of late
gradually gained strength.
I lately received a letter from Mr. M'Laurin, dated Aug. 13, 1754;
which Mr. Prince sent me, with a letter from himself, wherein he
informed me that a captain of a ship from Glasgow, then lately
arrived, brought an account of Mr. M'Laurin's death; that he died very
suddenly, with an apoplexy, a little before he left Glasgow. Since I
received that letter, I sent to Mr. Prince, desiring to know more of
the certainty of the account. This is an affecting piece of news. It
is an instance of death which I have much cause to lament. He has long
shown himself to be a very worthy, kind, and obliging friend and
correspondent of mine. And doubtless, the church of Scotland has much
cause to lament his death. There is reason to think that he was one of
them that stood in the gap to make up the hedge in these evil times.
He was a wise, steady, and most faithful friend of gospel truth and
vital piety, in these days of great corruption. I wish that I may take
warning by it, as well as by my own late sickness, to prepare for my
own departure hence.
I have nothing very comfortable to write respecting my own success in
this place. The business of the Indian mission, since I have been
here, has been attended with strange embarrassments, such as I never
could have expected, or so much as once dreamed of; of such a nature,
and coming from such a quarter, that I take no delight in being very
particular and explicit upon it. But, beside what I especially refer
to, some things have lately happened that have occasioned great
disturbance among the Indians, and have tended to alienate them from
the English. As particularly, the killing of one of them in the woods,
by a couple of travellers, white men, who met him, and contended with
him. And though the men were apprehended and imprisoned; yet on their
trial they escaped the sentence of death: one of them only receiving a
lighter punishment, as guilty of manslaughter: by which these Indians,
and also the Indians of some other tribes, were greatly displeased,
and disaffected towards the English. Since the last fall, some Indians
from Canada, doubtless instigated by the French, broke in upon us, on
the sabbath, between meetings, and fell upon an English family, and
killed three of them; and about an hour after killed another man,
coming into the town from some distant houses; which occasioned a
great alarm in the town, and in the country. Multitudes came from
various parts, for our defence, that night, and the next day; and many
of these conducted very foolishly towards our Indians on this
occasion, suspecting them to be guilty of doing the mischief, charging
them with it, and threatening to kill them, and the like. After this,
a reward being offered by some private gentlemen, to some that came
this way as soldiers, if they would bring them the scalp of a Canada
Indian; two men were so extremely foolish and wicked, that they, in
the night, dug up one of our Indians, that had then lately died, out
of his grave, to take off his scalp; that, by pretending that to be a
scalp of a Canada Indian, whom they had met and killed in the woods,
they might get the promised reward. When this was discovered, the men
were punished. But this did not hinder, but that such an act greatly
increased the jealousy and disaffection or the Indians, towards the
English. Added to these things, we have many white people, that will,
at all times, without any restraint, give them ardent spirits, which
is a constant temptation to their most predominant lust.
Though I have but little success, and many discouragements, here at
Stockbridge, yet Mr. Hawley, now a missionary among the Six Nations,
who went from New England to Onohquauga, a place more than 200 miles
distant from hence, has, of late, had much encouragement. Religion
seems to be a growing, spreading thing, among the savages in that part
of America, by his means. And there is a hopeful prospect, of way
being made for another missionary in those parts, which may have happy
consequences, unless the Six Nations should go over to the French;
which there is the greatest reason to expect, unless the English
should exert themselves, vigorously and successfully, against the
French, in America, this year. They seem to be waiting to see whether
this will be so or no, in order to determine, whether they will
entirely desert the English, and cleave to the French. And if the Six
Nations should forsake the English, it may be expected, that the
Stockbridge Indians, and almost all the nations of Indians in North
America, will follow them. It seems to be the most critical season,
with the British dominions in America, that ever was seen, since the
first settlement of these colonies; and all, probably, will depend on
the warlike transactions of the present year. What will be done I
cannot tell. We are all in commotion, from one end of British America
to the other; and various expeditions are projected, and preparing
for; one to Ohio, another to the French Forts in Nova Scotia, another
to Crown Point. But these affairs are not free from embarrassments:
great difficulties arise, in our present most important affairs,
through the dispirited state of the several governments. It is hard
for them to agree upon means and measures. And we have no reason to
think that the French are behind us in their activity and
preparations. A dark cloud seems to hang over us: we need the prayers
of all our friends, and all friends to the protestant interest.
Stockbridge is a place much exposed; and what will become of us, in
the struggles that are coming on, God only knows. I have heard that
Messrs. Tennent and Davies are arrived in America, having had good
success in the errand they went upon. Mr. Bellamy is not likely to go
to New York, principally by reason of the opposition of some of the
congregation, and also of some of the neighbouring ministers. I have
heard, they have lately unanimously agreed to apply themselves to Mr.
M'Gregor, of New Londonderry, alias Nutfield, in New England, to be
their minister; who is a gentleman that, I think, if they can obtain
him, will be likely to suit them, and competent to fill the place. And
I have heard, that there has been some difference in his own
congregation, that has lately made his situation there uneasy. If so,
he will be more likely to consent to the motion from New York.
My wife joins with me in respectful and affectionate salutations to
you and Mrs. Erskine.
I am, dear Sir, your affectionate and obliged brother,
jonathan edwards."
"P.S. In a journey I went to Northampton, the last April, I carried
the foregoing letter, with others for Scotland, so far, seeking an
opportunity to send them from thence to Boston; and there I met
another letter from Mr. Prince, with a joyful contradiction of his
former account of Mr. M'Laurin's death; which occasioned my bringing
my packet home again. Nevertheless, after I had broken open and
perused this letter, I thought best to send it along, enclosed in a
wrapper to Mr. M'Laurin; who, I hope, is yet living, and will convey
it to you.
J.E.
Stockbridge, June 2, 1755."
In the beginning of September, the danger became so imminent, that Mr.
Edwards, at the request of the people of the town, addressed the
following urgent letter to the colonel of the county.
"To Col. Israel Williams.
Stockbridge, Sept. 5, 1755.
sir,
Yesterday the English inhabitants of the town sent away a letter,
directed to you, to be conveyed to Hatfield, respecting the state of
the town, stating that it was left very greatly exposed, by the
drawing off of all the Connecticut soldiers; that Governor Shirley, by
his urgency, had persuaded away almost all the Indian inhabitants fit
for war, who objected much against going, on that account, that the
departure of so many would leave the town, and their wives and
children too, defenceless; that the governor removed their objection,
by promising that a sufficient number of English soldiers should be
maintained here, during their absence, for the defence of the town;
and also, that we had just now information sent in writing, from Mr.
Vanschaak, that two large parties of Indians are lately gone out of
Crown Point, against our frontiers; and so entreating that soldiers
may be speedily sent. But being informed to-day, that you are gone
from Hatfield, and not knowing whether you will seasonably receive the
aforementioned letter, I now, at the desire of the people, give you
this brief information of what was therein written; earnestly
desiring, that we may not be left so easy and open a prey to our
enemies, who, we have reason to think, have the means of learning our
situation, and are certainly preparing to attack some of the most
defenceless of the frontier villages. We hope that the troops may be
forwarded immediately; for, having no adequate means of repelling an
attack, we have no security for a single day.
I am respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
jonathan edwards."
In 1751, an anonymous work was published in Edinburgh, entitled
"Essays on the Principles of Morality and Natural Religion," [64] of
which Henry Home, [65] Esq. soon avowed himself the author. These
essays, though written by a member of the church of Scotland, were
regarded as decidedly sceptical in their tendency, and brought the
author into some difficulties with the particular church with which he
was connected. This led to a public discussion of the character of the
work at large--particularly of the Essay on Liberty and Necessity.
When this discussion was commencing, the Essay on the Freedom of the
Will arrived in Scotland. It was extensively read by men of
speculative minds; and, though presenting a view of the subject wholly
new, gave great satisfaction to men of all classes. Lord Kaimes and
his friends, having read the work of Mr. Edwards, endeavoured to show
that the view of liberty and necessity, in the Freedom of the Will,
was substantially the same with that given by his lordship. Mr.
Erskine apprized Mr. Edwards of this fact. In the following letter,
the latter barely alludes to the work of Lord Kaimes, as a work of
corrupt tendency. In a subsequent letter to his friends, written in
the summer of the following year, and now appended to the Treatise on
the Freedom of the Will, [66] he examines the views of liberty and
necessity by his lordship, shows their entire discordance with his own
views, as exhibited in the Freedom of the Will, and exposes their
inconsistency, not only with reason but with each other. This letter,
from a sense of justice to its author, was immediately published, in
the form of a pamphlet, by Mr. Erskine, and produced a universal
conviction, that Lord Kaimes had wholly misunderstood the view taken
of liberty and necessity by Mr. Edwards; and that his own views of it
were at war, alike with reason and revelation. Indeed, his lordship
himself appears to have been of the same opinion; for, in a subsequent
edition, the Essay on Liberty and Necessity is said to have been much
changed, as to present essentially different views of those important
subjects.
"To the Rev. John Erskine, Minister of the Gospel, at Culross,
Scotland.
Stockbridge, Dec. 11, 1755
rev. and dear sir,
I last wrote to you July 24th, 1755. Since that I received a letter
from you, dated June 23, 1755, together with the Essays on the
Principles of Morality and Natural Religion,* from Mr. Hogg, and the
Analysis of the Moral and Religious Sentiments of Sopho, from
yourself. I thank you for your letter and present, and shall write a
letter of thanks to Mr. Hogg, for his present by your hand, added to
former instances of his generosity. I had before read that book of
Essays, having borrowed Mr. Bellamy's, and also that book of Mr. David
Hume's, which you speak of. I am glad of an opportunity to read such
corrupt books, especially when written by men of considerable genius;
that I may have an idea of the notions that prevail in our nation. You
say that some people say, that Lord Kaimes's being made a Lord of
Session would have been prevented, if Chancellor Hardwick and
Archbishop Herring had seasonably seen his book. I should be glad to
know who this Chancellor Hardwick is, and what is his character. By
your mentioning him in such a manner, I am ready to suppose he may be,
in some respects, of good character; and it is a matter of
thankfulness, if a man of good character, and a friend to religion, be
Lord Chancellor.
As to our warlike concerns, I have not heretofore been very particular
in writing about them, in my letters to Scotland, supposing it highly
probable that you would have earlier accounts from Boston, New York,
and Philadelphia, than any I can send you, living at so great a
distance from any of the sea-ports. Nevertheless, seeing you propose
my sending you some account of the present posture of affairs, I would
say, that it appears to me that notwithstanding some remarkable
favours of Heaven, of which we are very unworthy, it has in the
general been a year of great frowns of Providence on British America.
Notwithstanding our success at Nova Scotia, and in having the better
in the battle near Lake George, and taking the French general
prisoner; yet, considering the advantages the enemy hath obtained
against us, by General Braddock's defeat, especially in gaining over
and confirming the Indians on their side, and disheartening and
weakening our friends, and what we have suffered from our enemies, and
how greatly we are weakened and almost sunk with our vast expenses,
especially in New England, and the blood as well as money we have
expended; I say, considering these things, and how little we have
gained by our loss and trouble, our case is no better, but far worse
than it was in the beginning of the year. At least, I think it
certain, that we have attained no advantage, in any wise, to balance
our trouble and expense of blood and treasure. The expedition to the
eastward has been remarkably successful; but the other three
expeditions, that against the French forts on the Ohio, that against
Niagara, and that against Crown Point, have all been unsuccessful, as
to their main designs. And though the army under General Johnson had a
kind of victory over the French, and took the Baron Dieskau, their
general, prisoner; yet we suffered very greatly in the battle, and the
taking of the French general probably, was the saving of his army.
For, by telling a lie to our army, viz. that the French were in
constant expectation of being greatly enforced by a large body, that
marched another way, and had appointed to meet them near that place,
our army was prevented from pursuing the enemy, after they had
repelled them; which, if they had done, the French might have been
under great advantages to have cut them off, and prevented the return
of almost all of them to Crown Point, which could be no otherwise than
through the water in their batteaux. Our army never proceeded any
farther than the place of their engagement; but, having built a fort
there, near Lake George, alias Lake St. Sacrament, after they had
built another near Hudson's river, about fourteen miles on this side,
and left garrisons, has lately returned. As also has the army under
General Shirley, (who went with designs against Niagara,) after having
built some vessels of force in the lake Ontario, and strengthened the
fortifications at Oswego, and sent for the remains of General
Braddock's army to Albany, there to go into winter quarters. The
governors of the several provinces, in the latter part of the last
month, had a meeting to confer together, concerning our warlike
affairs, and to agree on a plan of operations to be recommended to the
government at home for the next year. But I have heard nothing of
their determinations. The Indians have not done much mischief on the
frontiers of New England, since our army have been about us; but have
been dreadful in their ravages, on the back settlements of Virginia
and Pennsylvania.
It is apparent that the ministry at home miss it very much, in sending
over British forces to fight with Indians in America, and in sending
over British officers, to have the command of our American forces. Let
them send us arms, ammunition, money, and shipping; and let New
England men manage the business in their own way, who alone understand
it. To appoint British officers over them, is nothing but a hindrance
and discouragement to them. Let them be well supplied, and supported,
and defended by sea, and then let them go forth under their own
officers and manage in their own way, as they did in the expedition
against Cape Breton. All the provinces in America seem to be fully
sensible, that New England men are the only men to be employed against
Canada; as I had opportunity abundantly to observe, in my late journey
to New York, New Jersey, and Philadelphia. However, we ought to
remember that neither New England men, nor any other, are any thing
unless God be with us; and when we have done all, at finding fault
with men and instruments employed, we cannot expect prosperity, unless
the accursed thing be removed from our camp.
God has lately frowned on my family, in taking away a faithful
servant, who was a great help to us; and one of my children has been
under threatening infirmities, but is somewhat better. I desire your
prayers for us all.
My wife joins with me in affectionate and respectful salutations to
you and Mrs. Erskine.
I am, Rev, and dear Sir.
Your obliged brother,
and affectionate friend,
jonathan edwards. "
The effect of the war on the Indian mission will be seen from the
following letter to Mr. M'Culloch.
"Stockbridge, April 10, 1756.
rev. and dear sir,
I thank you for your favour of August, 1755, with Mr. Imries's letter,
which came to hand in the latter part of the last month. It recommends
a man, especially a minister of the gospel, to me, to see in him
evidences of a disposition to be searching into the prophecies of
Scripture, relating to the future advancement of Christ's kingdom on
earth. It looks as though he was a man, who felt concern for Christ's
kingdom and interests in the world; as though he were one of those,
who took pleasure in the stones, and favoured the dust of Zion. But it
has proved by events, that many divines, who have been of this
character, have been over-forward to fix the times and the seasons,
which the Father hath put in his own power. However, I will not
positively charge Mr. Imries with this, before I see what he has to
offer, in proof of those things which he has advanced. I think that
neither I nor any other person, that knows no more than what is
contained in his letter, of the reasons that he builds his opinions
upon, have any opportunity to judge of those opinions. And therefore I
should think it a pity that his private letter to Mr. Hogg was
published to the world, before his reasons were prepared for the
press. This letter has been reprinted in Boston; but coming abroad,
with so little mention of the grounds of his opinion, it gives
occasion to the profane to reproach and ridicule it, and its author.
With respect to Mr. Hawley, and Mr. Brainerd, and their Indians,
concerning which you desire to be informed; the correspondents have
altered their determination, from time to time, with respect to Mr.
Brainerd and his Indians. They seemed inclined at first to their
removal to Wawwoming, alias Wyoming, and then to Onohquauga, and then
to Wyoming again; and finally, about a twelve-month ago, they wholly
dismissed him from employ as a missionary to the Indians, and pastor
to the Indian church at Bethel. I cannot say I am fully satisfied with
their conduct in doing this so hastily; nor do I pretend to know so
much, concerning the reasons of their conduct, as to have sufficient
grounds positively to condemn their proceedings. However, the
congregation is not wholly left as sheep without a shepherd, and are
in part committed to the care of Mr. William Tennent, who lives not
far off, and is a faithful, zealous minister, who visits them, and
preaches to them, once a week; but I think not often upon the sabbath.
The last fall, I was in New Jersey and Philadelphia, and was present
at a meeting of the correspondents; when Mr. Tennent gave an agreeable
account of the then present state of these Indians, with respect to
religion, and also of their being in better circumstances, as to their
lands, than they had been. Mr. Brainerd was then at Newark with his
family, where he had been preaching, as a probationer for settlement,
ever since Mr. Burr's dismission from that place, on account of his
business as president of the college. But whether Mr. Brainerd is
settled, or like to settle there, I have not heard. At the
forementioned meeting of the correspondents, I used some arguments, to
induce them to re-establish Mr. Brainerd, in his former employ with
his Indians, and to send them to Onohquauga. But I soon found it would
be fruitless to urge the matter. What was chiefly insisted on, as an
insuperable obstacle to Mr. Brainerd's going, with his family, so far
into the wilderness, was Mrs. Brainerd's very infirm state. Whether
there was indeed any sufficient objection to such a removal, at that
time, or no; Divine Providence has, since that, so ordered the state
and consequences of the war, subsisting here in America, that
insuperable obstacles are laid in the way of their removal, either to
Onohquauga, Wawwoming, or any other parts of America, that way. The
French, by their indefatigable endeavours with the nation of the
Delawares, so called, from their ancient seat about Delaware river,
though now chiefly residing on the Susquehannah and its branches, have
stirred them up to make war on the English; and dreadful have been the
ravages and desolations, which they have made of late, on the back
parts of Pennsylvania and New Jersey. They are the principal nation
inhabiting the parts about Susquehannah river, on which both Wyoming
and Onohquauga stand. The latter indeed is above the bounds of their
country, but yet not very far from them; and the Delaware Indians are
frequently there, as they go to and fro; on which account there is
great danger, that Mr. Hawley's mission and ministry there will be
entirely broken up. Mr. Hawley came from there about two months ago,
with one of my sons, about ten years old; who had been there with him
near a twelvemonth, to learn the Mohawk language. He has since been to
Boston, to consult the commissioners for Indian affairs, that have
employed him, and returned: and yesterday went from my house, to meet
some of his Indians, at an appointed time and place in the Mohawk
country; to determine with them, whether it will be safe for him to
return to abide with them. If not, yet will he be under the pay of the
commissioners till next fall, and the issue be seen of the two
expeditions now in prosecution, one against Crown Point, the other
against the French forts at Frontenac and Niagara, near Lake Ontario;
which may possibly make a great alteration, as to the state of the war
with the Indians. If Mr. Hawley determines not to return to Onohquauga
this spring, he will probably go as chaplain to the Indians, in
General Shirley's army, in the expedition to Lake Ontario.
You speak of the vast superiority of the numbers of the English, in
America, to those of the French; and that some therefore think, the
settlements of the former are in no great danger from the latter.
Though it be true, that the French are twenty times less than we are
in number, yet it may be a question, whether other things, in which
they exceed us, when all jointly considered, will not more than
counterbalance all our excess of numbers. They vastly exceed us in
subtilty and intrigue, in vigilance and activity, in speed and
secrecy; in acquaintance with the continent of North America, in all
parts west of the British settlements, for many hundred leagues, the
rivers, lakes, and mountains, the avenues and passes; and also in the
influence they have among the various tribes and nations of Indians,
and in their constant skill and indefatigable diligence in managing
them, to alienate them from the English, attach them firmly to
themselves, and employ them as their tools. Beside the vast advantage
they have, in time of war, in having all united under the absolute
command of one man, the governor of Canada; while we are divided into
a great many distinct governments, independent of one another, and, in
some respects, of clashing interests: interests which unspeakably clog
and embarrass our affairs, and make us, though a great, yet an
unwieldy, unmanageable body, and an easy prey to our vigilant, secret,
subtle, swift and active, though comparatively small, enemy.
As to a description of the situation of those parts you mention, I can
give you no better than you have, in many that abound in Great
Britain. With respect to the situation of Stockbridge, it is not in
the province of New York, as you have been informed, but in the utmost
border of the province of Massachusetts, on the west, next to the
province of New York; about 40 miles west of Connecticut river, about
25 miles east of Hudson's river, and about 35 miles south east from
Albany: a place exposed in this time of war. Four persons were killed
here, in the beginning of September, 1754, by Canada Indians; which
occasioned a great alarm to us, and to a great part of New England.
Since then we have had many alarms; but God has preserved us.
I desire your prayers that we may still be preserved, and that God
would be with me and my family, and people, and bless us in all
respects. My wife and family join with me, in their respects to you
and yours.
I am, dear Sir,
Your affectionate brother and servant,
jonathan edwards."
In consequence of the ill success attending the British arms, during
the campaign of 1756, the danger of the frontiers became extreme, and
the friends of Mr. Edwards were, for a time, exceedingly anxious for
his personal safety. Mr. Bellamy, at this period, sent him the
following kind invitation, to look to Bethlem, as the place of
retreat, for himself and his family.
"Bethlem, May 31, 1756
dear sir,
I am in pain, fearing our army against Crown Point will be defeated.
God only knows how it will be. Your own discretion will make you
sufficiently speedy, to secure yourself and family. We stand as ready
to receive you, and any of your family, to all the comforts our house
affords, as if you were our children. I am greatly interested in your
safety.--I am concerned for Mr. Hawley. I fear he will be too
venturesome, and fling away his life for nothing.--I wish, if you know
how to get one along, you would send him a letter.--Our youngest child
still remains somewhat unwell. The Indian boys grow more and more easy
and content, but they love play too well--are very ignorant--and very
stupid, as to the things of religion--and in arithmetic, when I would
teach them any thing that is a little difficult, they are soon
discouraged, and don't love to try. So I take them off, and put them
to writing again--designing, by little and little, to get them along.
They will not endure hardship, and bend their minds to business, like
English boys. It seems they were never taught their catechism. Shall I
teach it? I have got three Bibles; but have not yet given them to the
boys, they are so ignorant. I expect you will give me any instructions
you think proper; and remain, Rev. Sir,
J. BELLAMY"
It is probable that Mr. Edwards began his Treatise on Original Sin
about this period, and that he devoted the leisure hours of the
summer, autumn, and winter, to the preparation of that work. The date
of the author's preface, May 26, 1757, shows the time when it was
finished for the press.
The views of Mr. Edwards, in this treatise, are these: that there is a
tendency in human nature, prevailing and effectual, to that sin, which
implies the utter ruin of all; that this tendency originates in the
sin of Adam, of which the whole race are imputed the partakers; and
that this tendency consists, in their being left of God, at their
original, in the possession of merely human appetites and passions, in
themselves "innocent," and without the influx of those superior
principles, which come from divine influences. The only guilt,
attributed by him to mankind, before they come to the exercise of
moral agency themselves, is that of participating in the apostasy of
Adam, in consequence of the original constitution of God, which made
him and his race "one."
He supposes this tendency to sin, pertaining to men, at their
original, to constitute the subject of it a sinner, only, because he
regards him as a participator in that sin, by which Adam apostatized,
with his whole race. This tendency he calls "sinful," "corrupt,"
"odious," &c., because it is a tendency "to that moral evil, by which
the subject of it becomes odious in the sight of God." (Part 1. Chap.
II. Sect. III.) He supposes that infants, who have this tendency in
their nature, are, as yet, "sinners, only by the one act or offence of
Adam"; and, that "they have not renewed the act of sin themselves."
(Part I. Chap. IV.) He utterly denies any positive agency of God, in
producing sin; and resolves the tendency to sin, into the "innocent
principles" of human nature; (which God might create, without sin;)
and the withholding of that positive influence, from which spring
superior and divine principles:--which act of withholding, is not
infusing, or positively creating, any thing. These "innocent
principles"--such as hunger and thirst, love and hatred, desire and
fear, joy and sorrow, and self-love, as distinguished from
selfishness,--which are necessary to the nature of man, and belong to
him, whether holy or sinful, are not, in his view, sin. They barely
constitute the ground of certainty, that the being, who has them, will
sin, as soon as he is capable of sinning, if that positive influence,
from which spring superior and divine principles, is withheld; and, in
this relation, they are spoken of, under the general designation, "a
tendency," "a propensity," &c. to sin.
The views of Imputation, contained in this work, are such, as had been
long and extensively entertained; yet some of them, certainly, are not
generally received, at present. With this exception, the Treatise on
Original Sin is regarded as the standard work, on the subject of which
it treats; and is doubtless the ablest defence of the doctrine of
human depravity, and of the doctrine that that depravity is the
consequence of the sin of Adam, which has hitherto appeared.
The father of Mr. Edwards, as the reader may remember, on account of
the increasing infirmities of age, had requested his people to settle
a colleague in the ministry in 1752, but continued to preach to them
regularly until the summer of 1755, when he was in his eighty-seventh
year. The following letter, probably the last ever written to him by
his son, shows the gradual decline of his health and strength, during
the two following years.
"To the Rev Timothy Edwards, East Windsor.
Stockbridge, March 24, 1757.
honoured sir,
I take this opportunity just to inform you, that, through the goodness
of God, we are all in a comfortable state of health, and that we have
heard, not long since, of the welfare of our children in New Jersey
and Northampton. I intend, God willing, to be at Windsor some time
near the beginning of June; proposing then to go a journey to Boston.
I intended to have gone sooner; but I foresee such hindrances, as will
probably prevent my going till that time. We rejoice much to hear, by
Mr. Andrewson, of your being so well as to be able to baptize a child
at your own house the sabbath before last. We all unite in duty to you
and my honoured mother, and in respectful and affectionate salutations
to sisters and cousins; and in a request of a constant remembrance in
your prayers.
I am, honoured Sir,
Your dutiful son,
jonathan edwards."
Not long after Mr. Edwards had forwarded to Mr. Erskine his
vindication of himself, [67] against the charge of having advanced, in
the Freedom of the Will, the same views of liberty and necessity, with
those exhibited by Lord Kaimes; he received from his friend a
pamphlet, entitled "Objections to the Essays on the Principles of
Morality and Natural Religion examined;" in which the opinion was
directly advanced, that, if it were really true, (as Mr. Edwards had
insisted and demonstrated in the Freedom of the Will,) that there is
no liberty of contingence, nor self-determining power in the will, as
opposed to moral necessity, or the certain connexion between motives
and volitions; yet it was best for mankind, that the truth, in this
respect, should not be known, because, in that case, they would not
regard either themselves, or others, as deserving of praise or blame
for their conduct. In the following letter, Mr. Edwards exposes the
folly and absurdity of this opinion; and explains, in a remarkably
clear and convincing manner, the practical bearing of the great
principles advanced in the Freedom of the Will, on the subject of
salvation. This letter might well have been published at the time, and
circulated through the church at large. And we recommend it to the
frequent and prayerful perusal both of those ministers, who cannot
clearly comprehend the distinction between physical and moral
inability, and of those who do not perceive the importance of
explaining and enforcing this distinction from the pulpit; as
exhibiting the consequences of representing impenitent sinners, to be
possessed of any other inability to repent and believe, than mere
unwillingness, in a manner too awful to be resisted, by a
conscientious mind.
"To Mr. Erskine.
Stockbridge, August 3, 1757.
rev. and dear sir,
In June last, I received a letter from you, dated January 22, 1757,
with `Mr. Anderson's Complaint verified,' and `Objections to the
Essays [68] examined.' For these things, I now return my hearty
thanks.
The conduct of the vindicator of the `Essays,' from objections made
against them, seems to be very odd. Many things are produced from
Calvin, and several Calvinistic writers, to defend what is not
objected against. His book is almost wholly taken up about that which
is nothing to the purpose; perhaps only to amuse and blind the common
people. According to your proposal, I have drawn up something, stating
the difference between my hypothesis, and that of the Essays; which I
have sent to you, to be printed in Scotland, if it be thought best; or
to be disposed of as you think proper. Essays on the principles of
Morality and Natural Religion, by Lord Kaimes [69] I have written it
in a letter to you; and if it be published, it may be as `A letter
from me to a minister in Scotland.' Lord Kaimes's notion of God's
deceiving mankind, by a kind of invincible or natural instinct or
feeling, leading them to suppose, that they have a liberty of
contingence and self-determination of will, in order to make them
believe themselves and others worthy to be blamed or praised for what
they do, is a strange notion indeed; and it is hard for me to
conjecture, what his views could be, in publishing such things to the
world.
However, by what I have heard, some others seem to be so far of the
same mind, that they think, that if it be really true, that there is
no self-determining power in the will, as opposed to any such moral
necessity, as I speak of, consisting in a certain connexion between
motives and volitions, it is of a mischievous tendency to say any
thing of it; and that it is best that the truth in this matter should
not be known by any means. I cannot but be of an extremely different
mind. On the contrary, I think that the notion of liberty, consisting
in a contingent self-determination of the will, as necessary to the
morality of men's dispositions and actions, is almost inconceivably
pernicious; and that the contrary truth is one of the most important
truths of moral philosophy, that ever was discussed, and most
necessary to be known; and that for want of it, those schemes of
morality and religion, which are a kind of infidel schemes, entirely
diverse from the virtue and religion of the Bible, and wholly
inconsistent with, and subversive of, the main things belonging to the
gospel scheme, have so vastly and so long prevailed, and have stood in
such strength. And I think, whoever imagines that he, or any body
else, shall ever see the doctrines of grace effectually maintained
against these adversaries, till the truth in this matter be settled,
imagines a vain thing. For, allow these adversaries what they maintain
in this point, and I think they have strict demonstration against us.
And not only have these errors a most pernicious influence, in the
public religious controversies that are maintained in the world; but
such sort of notions have a more fatal influence many ways, on the
minds of all ranks, in all transactions between God and their souls.
The longer I live, and the more I have to do with the souls of men, in
the work of the ministry, the more I see of this. Notions of this sort
are one of the main hinderances of the success of the preaching of the
word, and other means of grace, in the conversion of sinners. This
especially appears, when the minds of sinners are affected with some
concern for their souls, and they are stirred up to seek their
salvation. Nothing is more necessary for men, in such circumstances,
than thorough conviction and humiliation; than that their consciences
should be properly convinced of their real guilt and sinfulness in the
sight of God, and their deserving of his wrath. But who is there, that
has had experience of the work of a minister, in dealing with souls in
such circumstances, that does not find that the thing, that mainly
prevents this, is men's excusing themselves with their own inability,
and the moral necessity of those things, wherein their exceeding guilt
and sinfulness in the sight of God most fundamentally and mainly
consist: such as, living from day to day without one spark of true
love to the God of infinite glory, and the fountain of all good; their
having greater complacency in the little vile things of this world,
than in him; their living in a rejection of Christ, with all his
glorious benefits and dying love; and after all the exhibition of his
glory and grace, having their hearts still as cold as a stone towards
him; and their living in such ingratitude, for that infinite mercy of
his laying down his life for sinners They, it may be, think of some
instances of lewd behaviour, lying, dishonesty, intemperance,
profaneness, &c. But the grand principles of iniquity, constantly
abiding and reigning, from whence all proceeds, are all overlooked.
Conscience does not condemn them for those things, because they cannot
love God of themselves, they cannot believe of themselves, and the
like. They rather lay the blame of these things, and their other
reigning wicked dispositions of heart, to God, and secretly charge him
with all the blame. These things are very much for want of being
thoroughly instructed in that great and important truth, that a bad
will, or an evil disposition of heart, itself, is wickedness. It is
wickedness, in its very being, nature, and essence, and not merely the
occasion of it, or the determining influence, that it was at first
owing to. Some, it may be, will say, `they own it is their fault that
they have so bad a heart, that they have no love to God, no true faith
in Christ, no gratitude to him, because they have been careless and
slothful in times past, and have not used means to obtain a better
heart, as they should have done.' And it may be, they are taught,
`that they are to blame for their wickedness of heart, because they,
as it were, brought it on themselves, in Adam, by the sin which he
voluntarily committed, which sin is justly charged to their account;'
which perhaps they do not deny. But how far are these things from
being a proper conviction of their wickedness, in their enmity to God
and Christ. To be convinced of the sin of something that, long ago,
was the occasion of their enmity to God; and to be convinced of the
wickedness of the enmity itself; are quite two things. And if sinners,
under some awakening, find the exercise of corruption of heart, as it
appears in a great many ways; in their meditations, prayers, and other
religious duties, and on occasion of their fears of hell, &c. &c.;
still, this notion of their inability to help it, excusing them, will
keep them from proper conviction of sin herein. Fears of hell tend to
convince men of the hardness of their hearts. But then, when they find
how hard their hearts are, and how far from a proper sensibility and
affection in things of religion; they are kept from properly
condemning themselves for it, from the moral necessity, or inability,
which attends it. For the very notion of hardness of heart implies
moral inability. The harder the heart is, the more dead is it in sin,
and the more unable to exert good affections and acts. Thus the
strength of sin is made the excuse for sin. And thus I have known many
under fears of hell, justifying, or excusing, themselves, at least
implicitly, in horrid workings of enmity against God, in blasphemous
thoughts, &c.
It is of great importance, that they that are seeking their salvation,
should be brought off from all dependence on their own righteousness;
but these notions above all things prevent it. They justify themselves
in the sincerity of their endeavours. They say to themselves, that
they do what they can; they take great pains; and though there be
great imperfection in what they do, and many evil workings of heart
arise, yet these they cannot help: here moral necessity, or inability,
comes in as an excuse. Things of this kind have visibly been the main
hinderance of the true humiliation and conversion of sinners, in the
times of awakening that have been in this land, every where, in all
parts, as I have had opportunity to observe, in very many places. When
the gospel is preached, and its offers and invitations and motives
most powerfully urged, and some hearts stand out, here is their strong
hold, their sheet-anchor. Were it not for this, they would either
comply, or their hearts would condemn them for their horrid guilt in
not complying. And if the law of God be preached in its strictness and
spirituality, yet conscience is not properly convinced by it. They
justify themselves with their inability; and the design and end of the
law, as a school-master to fit them for Christ, is defeated. Thus both
the law and the gospel are prevented from having their proper effect.
The doctrine of a self-determining will, as the ground of all moral
good and evil, tends to prevent any proper exercises of faith in God
and Christ, in the affair of our salvation, as it tends to prevent all
dependence upon them. For, instead of this, it teaches a kind of
absolute independence on all those things, that are of chief
importance in this affair; our righteousness depending originally on
our own acts, as self-determined. Thus our own holiness is from
ourselves, as its determining cause, and its original and highest
source. And as for imputed righteousness, that should have any merit
at all in it, to be sure there can be no such thing. For
self-determination is necessary to praise and merit. But what is
imputed from another is not from our self-determination or action. And
truly, in this scheme, man is not dependent on God; but God is rather
dependent on man in this affair: for he only operates consequentially
in acts, in which he depends on what he sees we determine and do
first.
The nature of true faith implies a disposition to give all the glory
of our salvation to God and Christ. But this notion is inconsistent
with it, for it in effect gives the glory wholly to man. For that is
the very doctrine that is taught, that the merit and praise is his,
whose is the original and effectual determination of the praiseworthy
deed. So that, on the whole, I think it must be a miracle, if ever men
are converted that have imbibed such notions as these, and are under
their influence in their religious concerns.
Yea, these notions tend effectually to prevent men's ever seeking
after conversion, with any earnestness. It is manifest that men never
will be in earnest in this matter, till their consciences are
awakened, and they are made sensible of God's anger, and their danger
of suffering the terrible effects of it. But that stupidity, which is
opposed to this awakening, is upheld chiefly by these two things:
their insensibility of their guilt, in what is past and present; and
their flattering themselves, as to what is future. These notions of
liberty of indifference, contingence, and self-determination, as
essential to guilt or merit, tend to preclude all sense of any great
guilt for past or present wickedness. As has been observed already,
all wickedness of heart is excused, as what, in itself considered,
brings no guilt. And all that the conscience has to recur to, to find
any guilt, is the first wrong determination of the will, in some bad
conduct, before that wickedness of heart existed, that was the
occasion of introducing or confirming it. Which determination arose
contingently from a state of indifference. And how small a matter does
this at once bring men's guilt to, when all the main things, wherein
their wickedness consists, are passed over. And indeed the more these
principles are pursued, the more and more must guilt vanish, till at
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