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This Chapter Verse Commentaries:
PERSONAL GREETINGS
16:1-16. I commend to you Phoebe our sister. Receive her as becometh members of a Christian Church. For she has stood by many others, and myself as well (vv. 1, 2).
Greet Prisca and Aquila. Greet all those whose names or persons I know, who are members of your community (vv. 3-16).
1. σνσηι The ordinary word for to ‘commend,’ ‘introduce’; see on 3:5, a derivative of which appears in the phrase σσαια ἐιτλί(2Co_3:1; for its use in the later ecclesiastical writings see Suicer, Thesaurus). These letters played a very large part in the organization of the Church, for the tie of hospitality (cf. 12:13), implying also the reception to communion, was the great bond which united the separate local Churches together, and some protection became necessary against imposture.
φίη. Nothing is otherwise known of Phoebe, nor can we learn anything from the name. She was presumably the bearer of this letter.
δάοο, ‘a deaconess.’ The only place in which this office is referred to by name in the N. T. (for 1Ti_3:11, 1Ti_5:3 ff. cannot be quoted). The younger Pliny (Ep. X. xcvi. 8) speaks of ministrae: quo magis necessarium credidi ex duabus ancillis, quae ministrae dicebantur, quid esset veri et per tormenta quaerere. They do not appear elsewhere to be referred to in any certain second-century writing; but constant reference to them occurs in the Apostolic Constitutions, in the earlier books under the name of δάοο (2:26; 3:15), in the later of δαόισ (8:19, 20, 28). Of the exact relation of the ‘deaconess’ to the ‘widows’ (1Ti_5:3) it is not necessary to speak, as we have no sufficient evidence for so early a date; it is quite clear that later they were distinct as bodies, and that the widows were considered inferior to the deaconesses (Apost. Const. iii. 7); it is probable however that the deaconesses were for the most part chosen from the widows. That the reference to a ‘deaconess’ is in no sense an anachronism may be inferred both from the importance of δαοί in the early Church, which had quite clearly made it necessary for special male officials to be appointed, and from the separate and secluded life of women. From the very beginning of Christianity—more particularly in fact at the beginning—there must have been a want felt for women to perform for women the functions which the deacons performed for men. Illustrations of this need in baptism, in visiting the women’s part of a house, in introducing women to the deacon or bishop, may be found in the Apostolical Constitutions (iii. 15, &c.). So much is clear. An office in the Church of this character, we may argue on ápriori grounds, there must have been; but an order in the more ecclesiastical sense of the term need not have existed. δάοο is technical, but need hardly be more so than is ποττςin ver. 2. (The arguments of Lucht against the authenticity of portions of these two verses are examined very fully by Mangold, Der Rö und seine geschichtlichen Voraussetzung, pp. 136 ff.)
τςἐκηίςτςἐ Κγρας Cenchreae was the port of Corinth on the Saronic Gulf. During St. Paul’s stay at Corinth that city had become the centre of missionary activity throughout all Achaia (cf. 2Co_1:1), and the port towards Ephesus, a place where there must have been many Jews living, could easily be a centre of the Christian Church. Its position would afford particularly an opportunity for the exercise by Phoebe of the special duties of hospitality.
2. ἀίςτνἁίν ‘in a manner worthy of the saints,’ i. e. ‘of the Church.’ Not only to provide for her wants, but to admit her to every spiritual privilege as ‘in the Lord.’
ποττς a ‘succourer’ or ‘helper’; this almost technical word is suggested by πρσῆε It is the feminine form of ποττς used like the Latin patronus for the legal representative of the foreigner. In Jewish communities it meant the legal representative of wealthy patron: see Schü Die Gemeinde-Verfassung, &c., Ins. 31: εθδ κιε| γι ποττχ| οιχεηε | εηο ε ερ | κιηι χψ cf. also C.I.G. 5361. We also find the word used of an office-bearer in a heathen religious association, see Foucart, Associations Religieuses, p. 202, Ins. 20, line 34 (= C.I.G. 126) δκμζτ δ ὁποττςκὶὁἀχεαιτςκὶὁγαμτὺ κὶο τμα κὶσνιο. Here the expression suggests that Phoebe was a person of some wealth and position who was thus able to act as patroness of a small and struggling community.
3. ΠίκνκὶἈύα. So the MSS. here by preponderating authority for Πίκλακ Ἀ Priscilla is a diminutive for Prisca, and both are Roman names.
In Act_18:2 the reading is Ἀύα …κὶΠίκλα γνῖαατῦ in ver. 18 ΠίκλακὶἈύα; in 1Co_16:19 Ἀύα κὶΠίκ (so אB M, P, Boh., but A C D E F G, &c., Vulg. Syrr. Πίκλα in 2Ti_4:19 ΠίκνκὶἈύα (by preponderating authority). The fact that Prisca is so often mentioned first suggests that she was the more important of the two.
4. οτνς…τνἑυῶ τάηο κτλ probably refers to some great danger which they had run on his behalf. It may have been the great tumult at Ephesus, although this was somewhat recent. If so the danger then incurred may have been the reason that they had left that city and returned for a time to Rome. The special reference to the Churches of the Gentiles perhaps arises from the fact that, owing to their somewhat nomadic life, they were well known to many Christian Churches.
Aquila and Priscilla
The movements of Aquila and Priscilla have been considered to be so complicated as to throw doubts on the authenticity of this section of the Epistle, or to suggest that it was addressed not to the Church at Rome, but to the Church of Ephesus.
From Act_18:1, Act_18:2 we learn that Aquila was a Jew of Pontus. He and his wife Prisca had been compelled to leave Rome in 52 a.d. by the decree of Claudius. They retired to Corinth, where they first became acquainted with St. Paul. With him they went to Ephesus, where they remained some time; they were there when the first Epistle to the Corinthians was written, and had a church in their house (ἀπζτιὑᾶ ἐ ΚρῳπλὰἈύα κὶΠίκ σντ κτ οκνατνἐκηί 1Co_16:19). This Epistle was written probably about twelve months before the Epistle to the Romans. In 2Ti_4:19, written in all probability at least eight years later, they appear again at Ephesus.
Now, is not the life ascribed to them too nomadic? And is not the coincidence of the church in their house remarkable? The answer is that a nomadic life was the characteristic of Jews at that day, and was certainly a characteristic of Aquila and Priscilla (Lightfoot, Biblical Essays, p. 299, and Renan, Les Apô pp. 96, 97, Zahn, Skizzen, p. 169). We know that although Aquila was a Jew of Pontus, yet he and his wife lived, within the space of a few years, at Rome, at Corinth, and at Ephesus. Is it then extremely improbable that they should travel in after years, probably for the sake of their business? And if it were so, would they not be likely to make their house, wherever they were, a place in which Christians could meet together?
On ápriori grounds we cannot argue against the possibility of these changes. Are there any positive arguments for connecting them with the Roman Church? De Rossi, in the course of his archaeological investigations, has suggested two traces of their influence, both of which deserve investigation.
(i) Amongst the older churches of Rome is one on the Aventine bearing the name of St. Prisca, which gives a title to one of the Roman Cardinals. Now there is considerable evidence for connecting this with the names of Aquila and Priscilla. In the Liber Pontificalis, in the life of Leo III (795-816), it is described as the ‘titulus Aquilae et Priscae’ (Duchesne, Lib. Pont. II. p. 20); in the legendary Acts of St. Prisca (which apparently date from the tenth century) it is stated that the body of St. Prisca was translated from the place on the Ostian road where she had been buried, and transferred to the church of St. Aquila and Prisca on the Aventine (Acta Sanctorum, Jan. Tom. ii. p. 187 et deduxerunt ipsam ad urbem Romam cum hymnis et canticis spiritualibus, iuxta Arcum Romanum in ecclesia sanctorum Martyrum Aquilae et Priscae), and the tradition is put very clearly in an inscription apparently of the tenth century which formerly stood over the door of the church (C. Ins. Christ. ii. p. 443):
Haec domus est Aquilae seu Priscae Virginis Almae
Quos lupe Paule tuo ore vehis domino
Hic Petre divini Tribuebas fercula verbi
Sepius hocce loco sacrificans domino.
Many later testimonies are referred to by De Rossi, but they need not here be cited.
For the theory that this church is on the site of the house of Prisca and Aquila, De Rossi finds additional support in a bronze diploma found in 1776 in the garden of the church bearing the name of G. Marius Pudens Cornelianus: for in the legendary Acts of Pudens, Pudenziana, and Praxedis, Priscilla is stated to have been the mother of Pudens (Acta Sanct. Mai. Tom. iv. p. 297), and this implies some connexion between the names of Aquila and Priscilla and the family of Pudens.
The theory is a plausible one, but will hardly at present stand examination. In the first place the name of Aquila and Priscilla (or Prisca) is not the oldest borne by the church; from the fourth to the eighth century it seems always to have been the titulus S. Priscae (see Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, 1:501, 51745), and although the origin of this name is itself doubtful, it is hardly likely that if the locality had borne the name of Aquila and Priscilla, that name would first have been lost and then revived. It is much more probable that the later name is an attempt to connect the biblical account with this spot and to explain the origin of the name of Prisca.
Nor is the second piece of evidence of any greater weight. The acts of Pudens and his daughters, supposed to be narrated by the person called St. Pastor, who was a contemporary of Pius the bishop and addressed his letters to Timothy, are clearly legendary, and little or no stress can be laid on the mention of Priscilla as the mother of Pudens. The object of the Acta is in fact to invent a history for martyrs whose names were known, and who were for some reason grouped together. But why were they thus grouped? The reason probably is given in the statement at the end, that they were buried in the cemetery of Priscilla. These names would probably be found in the fourth century in that cemetery, attached to graves close to one another, and would form the groundwork of the Acta. There may still be some connexion between the names, which may or may not be discovered, but there is not at present any historical evidence for connecting the titulus St. Priscae with the Aquila and Priscilla of the N. T. (see de Rossi, Bull. Arch. Christ. Ser. i. No. 5 (1867), p. 45 ff.)
(ii) A second line of argument seems more fruitful. The explorations of De Rossi in the Coemeterium Priscillae, outside the Porta Salaria, have resulted in the discovery that as the Coemeterium Domitillae starts from a burying-place of Domitilla and her family, so that of Priscilla originates in the burying-place of Acilius Glabrio and other members of the Acilian gens. This seems to corroborate the statement of Dio Cassius (67:14) that the Acilius Glabrio who was consul with Trajan in a.d. 91 was a Christian and died as such, and implies that Christianity had penetrated into this as into other leading Roman families. Now the connexion with the subject immediately before us is as follows. The same researches have shown that a name of the females of the Acilian gens is Priscilla or Prisca. For instance, in one inscription we read:
M’ ACILIUS V. …
C. V.
PRISCILLA..C
Aquila was a Jew of Pontus: how then does it happen that his wife, if not he himself, bore a Roman name? The answer seems to be suggested by these discoveries. They were freedmen of a member of the Acilian gens, as Clemens the Roman bishop was very probably the freedman of Flavius Clemens. The name Prisca or Priscilla would naturally come to an adherent of the family. The origin of the name Aquila is more doubtful, but it too might be borne by a Roman freedman. If this suggestion be correct, then both the names of these two Roman Christians and the existence of Christianity in a leading Roman family are explained.
Two other inscriptions may be quoted, as perhaps of interest. The first is clearly Christian:
Aauiliae Priscae in Pace.
The second C.I.L. vi.12273 may be so. The term Renata might suggest that it is but also might be Mithraic:
D. M.
AQUILIA ∙RENATA
QVAE ∙V ∙A ∙N …
SE ∙VIVA ∙POSVIT ∙SIBI
CVRANTE ∙AQVILIO IVSTO
ALVMNO ∙ET ∙AQVILIO
PRISCO ∙FRATRE
The argument is not demonstrative, but seems to make the return of Aquila and Priscilla to Rome, and their permanent connexion with the Roman Church, probable. See De Rossi, Bull. Arch. Christ. Ser. iv. No. 6 (1888-9), p. 129 Aquila e Prisca et gli Acilii Glabrioni.
Dr. Hort (Rom. and Eph. pp. 12-14), following a suggestion made by Dr. Plumptre (Biblical Studies, p. 417), points out that it is a curious fact that in four out of the six places in which the names occur that of the wife is the first mentioned. He connects the name with the cemetery of St. Prisca, and suggests that Prisca was herself a member of some distinguished Roman family. He points out that only Aquila is called a Jew from Pontus, not his wife. There is nothing inconsistent in this theory with that of the previous argument; and if it be true much is explained. It may however be suggested that for a noble Roman lady to travel about with a Jewish husband engaged in mercantile or even artisan work is hardly probable; and that the theory which sees in them freed members of a great household is perhaps the most probable.
5. κὶτνκτ οκνατνἐκηίν There is no decisive evidence until the third century of the existence of special buildings used for churches. The references seem all to be to places in private houses, sometimes very probably houses of a large size. In the N.T. we have first of all (Act_12:12) the house of Mary, the mother of John, where many were collected together and praying. Col_4:15 ἀπσσετὺ ἐ Λοιεᾳἀεφύ, κὶΝμᾶ, κὶτνκτ οκνατνἐκηίν Phm_1:2 κὶτ κτ οκνσνἐκηί: besides 1Co_16:19. At a later date we have Clem. Recog. x. 71 Theophilus, domus suae ingentem basilicam ecclesiae nomine consecraret: De Rossi, Roma Sott. i. p. 209 Collegium quod est in domo Sergiae Paulinae. So in Rome several of the oldest churches appear to have been built on the sites of houses used for Christian worship. So perhaps San Clemente is on the site of the house of T. Flavius Clemens the consul (see Lightfoot, Clement. p. 94).
There is no reason to suppose that this Church was the meeting-place of all the Roman Christians; similar bodies seem to be implied in vv. 14, 15. We may compare Acta Iustini Martyris §2 (Ruinart) where however the speaker is of course intentionally vague: Quaesivit Praefectus, quem in locum Christiani convenirent. Cui respondit Iustinus, eo unumquemque convenire quo vellet ac posset. An, inquit, existimas omnes nos in eumdem locum convenire solitos? Minime res ita se habet …Tunc praefectus: Age, inquit, dicas, quem in locum conveniatis, et discipulos tuos congreges. Respondit Iustinus: Ego prope domum Martini cuiusdam, ad balneum cognomento Timiotinum, hactenus mansi.
Ἐαντς Of him nothing is known: the name is not an uncommon one and occurs in inscriptions from Asia Minor, C.I.G. 2953 (from Ephesus), 3903 (from Phrygia). The following inscription from Rome is interesting, C.I.L. vi. 17171 dis ∙man | epaeneti (sic) | epaeneti ∙f | ephesio | t ∙mvnivs | priscianvs | amico svo.
ἀαχ τςἈίς i. e. one of the first converts made in the Roman province of Asia: cp. 1Co_16:15 οδτ τνοκα Σεαᾶ ὅιἐτνἀαχ τςἈαα, κὶεςδαοίντῖ ἁίι ἕαα ἑυος On the importance of first converts see Clem. Rom. §xlii κτ χρςονκὶπλι κρσοτςκθσαο τςἀαχςατν δκμσνε τ πεμτ, εςἐικπυ κὶδαόοςτνμλότνπσεύι.
This name caused great difficulty to Renan, ‘What ! had all the Church of Ephesus assembled at Rome?’ ‘All’ when analyzed is found to mean three persons of whom two had been residents at Rome, and the third may have been a native of Ephesus but is only said to have belonged to the province of Asia (cf. Lightfoot, Biblical Essays, p. 301). How probable it was that there should be foreigners in Rome attached to Christianity may be illustrated from the Acts of Justin which were quoted in the note on an earlier portion of the verse. These give an account of the martyrdom of seven persons, Justin himself, Charito, Charitana, Euelpistus, Hierax, Liberianus, and Paeon. Of these Justin we know was a native of Samaria, and had probably come to Rome from Ephesus, Euelpistus who was a slave of the Emperor was a native of Cappadocia, and Hierax was of Iconium in Phrygia. This was about 100 years later.
Ἀίςis supported by preponderating authority (אA B C D F G, Vulg, Boh. Arm. Aeth., Orig.-lat. Jo.-Damasc. —rst.) against Ἀαα (L P &c., Syrr., Chrys. Theodrt.).
For the idea of illustrating this chapter from inscriptions we are of course indebted to Bishop Lightfoot’s able article on Caesar’s household (Philippians, p. 169). Since that paper was written, the appearance of a portion of vol. vi. of the Corpus of Latin Inscriptions, that, namely, containing the inscriptions of the city of Rome; has both provided us with more extensive material and also placed it in a more convenient form for reference. We have therefore gone over the ground again, and either added new illustrations or given references to the Latin Corpus for inscriptions quoted by Lightfoot from older collections. Where we have not been able to identify these we have not, except in a few cases, thought it necessary to repeat his references. A large number of these names are found in Columbaria containing the monuments and ashes of members of the imperial household during the first century: these special collections are kept together in the Corpus (vi. 3926-8397). There is also a very large section devoted to other names belonging to the domus Augusti (vi. 8398-9101). A complete use of these materials will not be possible until the publication of the Indices to vol. vi. For a discussion of the general bearing of these references, see Introduction, §9.
6. Μρα (which is the correct reading) may like Μρά be Jewish, but it may also be Roman. In favour of the latter alternative in this place it may be noticed that apparently in other cases where St. Paul is referring to Jews he distinguishes them by calling them his kinsmen (see on ver. 7). The following inscription from Rome unites two names in this list, C.I.L. vi. 22223 d ∙m ∙| mariae | ampliatae cet.; the next inscription is from the household, ib. 4394 mariae ∙m ∙l ∙xanthe | nymphe ∙fec ∙de ∙svo.
ἥι πλὰἐοίσνεςὑᾶ This note is added, not for the sake of the Roman Church, but as words of praise for Maria herself.
Μρα is read by A B C P, Boh. Arm.; Μρά by אD E F G L, &c., Chrys. The evidence for εςὑᾶ, which is a difficult reading, is preponderating (אA B C P Syrr. Boh.), and it is practically supported by the Western group (D E F G, Vulg.), which have ἐ ὑῖ. The correction εςἡᾶ is read by L, Chrys. and later authorities.
7. Ἀδόιο: a Greek name found among members of the imperial household. The following inscription contains the names of two persons mentioned in this Epistle, both members of the household, C.I.L. vi. 5326 dis ∙manibvs | c ∙ivlivs ∙heremes | vix ∙ann ∙xxxiii ∙m ∙v | dieb ∙xiii | c ∙ivlivs ∙andronicvs | conlibertvs ∙fec | bene ∙merenti ∙de ∙se: see also 5325 and 11626 where it is the name of a slave.
Ἰυίν there is some doubt as to whether this name is masculine, Ἰυίςor Ἰυις a contraction of Junianus, or feminine Junia. Junia is of course a common Roman name, and in that case the two would probably be husband and wife; Junias on the other hand is less usual as a man’s name, but seems to represent a form of contraction common in this list, as Patrobas, Hermas, Olympas. If, as is probable, Andronicus and Junias are included among the Apostles (see below) then it is more probable that the name is masculine, although Chrysostom does not appear to consider the idea of a female apostle impossible: ‘And indeed to be apostles at all is a great thing. But to be even amongst these of note, just consider what a great encomium this is! But they were of note owing to their works, to their achievements. Oh! how great is the devotion of this woman, that she should be even counted worthy of the appellation of apostle!’
τὺ σγεεςμυ St. Paul almost certainly means by ‘kinsmen,’ fellow-countrymen, and not relations. The word is used in this sense in 9:3, and it would be most improbable that there should be so many relations of St. Paul amongst the members of a distant Church (vv. 7, 11) and also in Macedonia (ver. 21); whereas it is specially significant and in accordance with the whole drift of the Epistle that he should specially mention as his kinsmen those members of a Gentile Church who were Jews.
κὶσνιμλτυ μυ Probably to be taken literally. Although St. Paul had not so far suffered any long imprisonment, he had certainly often been imprisoned for a short time as at Philippi, 2Co_11:23 ἐ φλκῖ πρσοέω; Clem. Rom. ad Cor. v ἑτκςδσὰφρσς Nor is it necessary that the word should mean that Andronicus and Junias had suffered at the same time as St. Paul; he might quite well name them fellow-prisoners if they had like him been imprisoned for Christ’s sake. Metaphorical explanations of the words are too far-fetched to be probable.
οτνςεσνἐίηο ἐ τῖ ἀοτλι may mean either (1) well known to the Apostolic body, or (2) distinguished as Apostles. In favour of the latter interpretation, which is probably correct, are the following arguments. (i) The passage was apparently so taken by all patristic commentators. (ii) It is in accordance with the meaning of the words. ἐίηο, lit. ‘stamped,’ ‘marked,’ would be used of those who were selected from the Apostolic body as ‘distinguished,’ not of those known to the Apostolic body, or looked upon by the Apostles as illustrious; it may be translated ‘those of mark among the Apostles.’ (iii) It is in accordance with the wider use of the term ἀότλς Bp. Lightfoot pointed out (Galatians, p. 93) that this word was clearly used both in a narrow sense of ‘the twelve’ and also in a wider sense which would include many others. His views have been corroborated and strengthened by the publication of the Didache. The existence of these ‘Apostles,’ itinerant Christian Evangelists, in Rome will suggest perhaps one of the methods by which the city had been evangelized.
ο κὶπὸἐο γγνσνἐ Χιτ. Andronicus and Junias had been converted before St. Paul: they therefore belonged to the earliest days of the Christian community; perhaps even they were of those who during the dispersion after the death of Stephen began almost immediately to spread the word in Cyprus and Syria (Act_11:19). As Dr. Weymouth points out (On the Rendering into English of the Greek Aorist and Perfect, p. 26) the perfect should here be translated ‘were.’
‘It is utterly amazing,’ he writes, ‘that in Rom_16:7 ο κὶπὸἐο γγνσνἐ Χ. is rendered in the RV. “who also have been in Christ before me.” The English idiom is here simply outraged. What officer in our Navy or Army would not stare at the βραο who should say of a senior officer, “He has been in the Service before me”? “He was in the Navy before me” is the only correct English form. …The English mind fastens on the idea of time defined by “before me,” and therefore uses the simple Past. …The Greek Perfect is correctly employed, because it is intended to convey, and does convey, the idea that they are still in Christ, while the English “have been” suggests precisely the contrary.’
8. Ἀπιτςis the more correct reading for the abbreviated form Ἀπιςwhich occurs in the TR. This is a common Roman slave name, and as such occurs in inscriptions of the imperial household. C.I.L. vi. 4899 ampliatvs | restitvto ∙fratri | svo ∙fecit ∙merenti: 5154 C. vibivs ∙firmvs ∙C | vibio ∙ampliato | patrono ∙svo, &c., besides inscriptions quoted by Lft. But there is considerable evidence for connecting this name more closely with the Christian community in Rome. In the cemetery of Domitilla, now undoubtedly recognized as one of the earliest of Christian catacombs, is a chamber now known by the name of ‘Ampliatus’ owing to an inscription which it contains. This chamber is very early: pre-Christian in character if not in origin. The cell over which the name of Ampliatus is inscribed is a later insertion, which, from the style of its ornament, is ascribed to the end of the first or beginning of the second century. The inscription is in bold, well-formed letters of the same date. Not far off is another inscription, not earlier than the end of the second century, to members of apparently the same family. The two inscriptions are ampliat[i] and avreliae ∙bonifatiae | conivgi ∙incomparabili | verae castitatis feminae | qvae ∙vixit ∙ann ∙xxv ∙M ∙II | dieb ∙IIII ∙hor ∙vi | avrel ∙Ampliatvs cvm | gordiano ∙filio. The boldness of the lettering in the first inscription is striking. The personal name without any other distinction suggests a slave. Why then should any one in these circumstances receive the honour of an elaborately painted tomb? The most plausible explanation is that he was for some reason very prominent in the earliest Roman Church. The later inscription clearly suggests that there was a Christian family bearing this name; and the connexion with Domitilla seems to show that here we have the name of a slave or freedman through whom Christianity had penetrated into a second great Roman household. See de Rossi, Bull. Arch. Christ. Ser. iii. vol. 6 (1881), pp. 57-74; Athenaeum March 4, 1884, p. 289; the inscription is just referred to by Light-foot, Clement. i. p. 39.
9. Οραό:a common Roman slave name found among members of the household, C.I.L. vi. 4237 (quoted by Lft. from Murat. 920. 1) vrbanvs ∙lydes ∙avg ∙l ∙dispens | inmvnis ∙dat ∙hermae ∙fratri ∙et | cilicae ∙patri: cf. 5604, 5605, and others, quoted by Lft. (Grut. p. 589. 10, p. 1070. 1).
τνσνρὸ ἡῶ. Where St. Paul is speaking of personal friends he uses the singular τνἀαηό μυ here he uses the plural because Urbanus was a fellow-worker with all those who worked for Christ.
Σάυ: a rare Greek name, but found among members of the imperial household: C.I.L. vi. 8607 d. m. | m. vlpio ∙avg ∙l | eroti | ab ∙epistvlis ∙graecis | epaphroditvs | et ∙stachys | caesar ∙n ser | fratri ∙karissimo ∙et | clavdia ∙formiana | fecervnt: cf. also inscriptions quoted by Lft.
10. Ἀελν Again a name borne by members of the household and by Jews: amongst others by the famous tragic actor. See the instance quoted by Lft. and cf. Hor. Sat. I. v. 100 Credat Iudaeus Apella, non ego.
τνδκμν cf. 1Co_11:19; 2Co_10:18; 2Co_13:7. One who has shown himself an approved Christian.
τὺ ἐ τνἈιτβύο. The explanation of this name given by Lft. bears all the marks of probability. The younger Aristobulus was a grandson of Herod the Great, who apparently lived and died in Rome in a private station (Jos. Bell. Iud. II. xi. 6; Antiq. XX. i. 2); he was a friend and adherent of the Emperor Claudius. His household would naturally be ο Ἀιτβύο, and would presumably contain a considerable number of Jews and other orientals, and consequently of Christians. If, as is probable, Aristobulus was himself dead by this time, his household would probably have become united with the imperial household. It would, however, have continued to bear his name, just as we find servants of Livia’s household who had come from that of Maecenas called Maecenatiani (C. I. L. 6:4016, 4032), those from the household of Amyntas, Amyntiani (4035, cf. 8738): so also Agrippiani, Germaniciani. We might in the same way have Aristobuliani (cf. Lft. Phil. pp. 172,3).
11. Ἡῳίν τνσγεῆμυ A mention of the household of Aristobulus is followed by a name which at once suggests the Herod family, and is specially stated to have been that of a Jew. This seems to corroborate the argument of the preceding note.
τὺ ἐ τνΝρίσυ ‘the household of Narcissus,’ ‘Narcissiani.’ The Narcissus in question was very possibly the well-known freedman of that name, who had been put to death by Agrippina shortly after the accession of Nero some three or four years before (Tac. Ann. xiii. 1; Dio Cass. lx. 34). His slaves would then in all probability become the property of the Emperor, and would help to swell the imperial household. The name is common, especially among slaves and freedmen, cf. C.I.L. vi.4123 (in the household of Livia), 4346, 5206 heliconis narcissi | avgnstiani | : 22875 narcissvs ∙avg ∙lib. Lft. quotes also the two names Ti. Claudius Narcissus (see below), Ti. Iulius Narcissus from Muratori, and also the form Narcissianus, ti ∙clavdio ∙sp ∙f ∙narcissiano (Murat. p. 1150. 4). The following inscription belongs to a somewhat later date: C.I.L. vi. 9035 d. m. | t ∙flavivs ∙avg ∙lib | narcissvs ∙fecit ∙sibi | et ∙coeliae ∙sp ∙filiae | ieriae ∙conivgi ∙svae … and lower down t flavivs ∙avg ∙lib ∙firmvs ∙narcissianvs | relator ∙avctionvm ∙monvmentvm ∙refecit. See also 9035 a. (Lightfoot, Phil. p. 173.)
Dr. Plumptre (Biblical Studies, p. 428) refers to the following interesting inscription. It may be found in C.I.L. v. 154* being reputed to have come from Ferrara. d. m. | clavdiae | dicaeosynae | ti ∙clavdivs | narcissvs | lib. aeid. coiv | pientissimae | et frvgalissi | b. m. Tiberius Claudius suggests the first century, but the genuineness of the Ins. is not sufficiently attested. The editor of the fifth volume of the Corpus writes: Testimonia auctorum aut incertorum …aut fraudulentorum de loco cum parum defendant titulum cum exclusi, quamquam fieri potest ut sit genuinus nec multum corruptus. The name Dicaeosyne is curious but is found elsewhere C.I.L. iii. 2391; vi. 25866: x. 649. There is nothing distinctively Christian about it.
12. ΤύαννκὶΤυῶα are generally supposed to have been two sisters. Amongst inscriptions of the household we have 4866 d. m. | varia ∙tryphosa | patrona ∙et | m. eppivs ∙clemens | : 5035 d. m. | tryphaena | valeria ∙tryphaena | matri ∙b ∙m ∙f ∙et | valerius ∙fvtianvs (quoted by Lft. from Acc. di Archeol. xi. p. 375): 5343 telesphorvs ∙et ∙tryphaena, 5774, 6054 and other inscriptions quoted by Lft. Attention is drawn to the contrast between the names which imply ‘delicate,’ ‘dainty,’ and their labours in the Lord.
The name Tryphaena has some interest in the early history of the Church as being that of the queen who plays such a prominent part in the story of Paul and Thecla, and who is known to have been a real character.
Πρία The name appears as that of a freedwoman, C.I.L. vi. 23959 dis ∙manib | per ∙sidi. l. ved | vs ∙mithres | vxori. It does not appear among the inscriptions of the household.
13. ʼοφν one of the commonest of slave names. This Rufus is commonly identified with the one mentioned in Mar_15:21, where Simon of Cyrene is called the father of Alexander and Rufus. St. Mark probably wrote at Rome, and he seems to speak of Rufus as some one well known.
τνἐλκὸ ἐ Κρῳ ‘Elect’ is probably not here used in the technical sense ‘chosen of God,’—this would not be a feature to distinguish Rufus from any other Christian,—but it probably means ‘eminent,’ ‘distinguished for his special excellence,’ and the addition of ἐ Κρῳmeans ‘eminent as a Christian’ (2Jn_1:1; 1Pe_2:6). So in English phraseology the words ‘a chosen vessel’ are used of all Christians generally, or to distinguish some one of marked excellence from his fellows.
κὶτνμτρ ατῦκὶἐο. St. Paul means that she had showed him on some occasion all the care of a mother, and that therefore he felt for her all the affection of a son.
14. Ἀύκιο: the following inscription is of a freedman of Augustus who bore this name, C.I.L. vi. 12565 d. m. | asyncreto | avg ∙lib ∙fecit ∙fl | avia ∙svccessa | patrono bene | merenti. The name Flavia suggests that it is somewhat later than St. Paul’s time.
φέοτ. The inscriptions seem to throw no light on this name. The most famous person bearing it was the historian of the second century who is referred to by Origen, and who gave some information concerning the Christians.
Ἑμν one of the commonest of slave names, occurring constantly among members of the imperial household.
Πτόα. An abbreviated form of Patrobius. This name was borne by a well-known freedman of Nero, who was put to death by Galba (Tac. Hist. i. 49; ii. 95). Lft. quotes instances of other freedmen bearing it: ti ∙cl ∙avg ∙l ∙patrobivs (Grut. p. 610. 3), and ti ∙clavdio ∙patrobio (Murat. p. 1329).
Ἑμςis likewise an abbreviation for various names, Hermagoras, Hermerus, Hermodorus, Hermogenes. It is common among slaves, but not so much so as Hermes. Some fathers and modern writers have identified this Hermas with the author of the ‘Shepherd,’ an identification which is almost certainly wrong.
κὶτὺ σνατῖ ἀεφύ. This and the similar expression in the next verse seem to imply that these persons formed a small Christian community by themselves.
15. φλλγς A common slave name. Numerous instances are quoted from inscriptions of the imperial household: C.I.L. vi. 4116 dama ∙liviae ∙l ∙cas …| phoebvs ∙philologi | quoted by Lft. from Gorius, Mon. Liv. p. 168; he also quotes Murat. p. 1586. 3, p. 2043. 2; Grut. p. 630. 1. He is generally supposed to be the brother or the husband of Julia, in the latter case Nereus, his sister Nerias, and Olympas may be their children.
Ἰυίν Probably the commonest of all Roman female names, certainly the commonest among slaves in the imperial household. The following inscription is interesting: C.I.L. vi. 20416 d. m. | ivliae nerei ∙f ∙| clavdiae. The name Julia Tryphosa occurs 20715-7 in one case apparently in a Christian inscription.
Νρα This name is found in inscriptions of the imperial household, C. I. L. vi. 4344 nerevs ∙nat ∙german | pevcennvs ∙germanici | anvs ∙neronis ∙caesaris. It is best known in the Roman Church in connexion with the Acts of Nereus and Achilleus, the eunuch chamberlains of Domitilla (see Acta Sanctorum May. iii. p. 2; Texte und Untersuchungen, Band xi. Heft 2). These names were, however, older than that legend, as seems to be shown by the inscription of Damasus (Bull. Arch. Christ. 1874, p. 20 sq.; C. Ins. Christ. ii. p. 31) which represents them as soldiers. The origin of the legend was probably that in the catacomb of Domitilla and near to her tomb, appeared these two names very prominently; this became the groundwork for the later romance. An inscription of Achilleus has been found in the cemetery of Domitilla on a stone column with a corresponding column which may have borne the name of Nereus: both date from the fourth or fifth century (Bull. Arch. Christ. 1875, p. 8 sq.). These of course are later commemorations of earlier martyrs, and it may well be that the name of Nereus was in an early inscription (like that of Ampliatus above). In any case the name is one connected with the early history of the Roman Church; and the fact that Nereus is combined with Achilleus, a name which does not appear in the Romans, suggests that the origin of the legend was archaeological, and that it was not derived from this Epistle (Lightfoot, Clement. i. p. 51; Lipsius Apokr. Apgesch. ii. 106 ff.).
Ὀυπς an abbreviated form like several in this list, apparently for Ὀυπόωο.
16. ἐ φλμτ ἁί: so 1Th_5:26; 1Co_16:20; 2Co_13:12; 1Pe_5:14 ἀπσσεἀλλυ ἐ φλμτ ἀάη. The earliest reference to the ‘kiss of peace’ as a regular part of the Christian service is in Just. Mart. Apol. i. 65 ἀλλυ φλμτ ἀπζμθ πυάεο τνεχν It is mentioned in Tert. de Orat. 14 (osculum pacis); Const. Apost. ii. 57. 12; viii. 5. 5; and it became a regular part of the Liturgy. Cf. Origen ad loc.: Ex hoc sermone, aliisque nonnullis similibus, mos ecclesiis traditus est, ut post orationes osculo se invicem suscipiant fratres. Hoc autem osculum sanctum appellat Apostolus.
α ἐκηίιπσιτῦΧιτῦ this phrase is unique in the N.T. Phrases used by St. Paul are α ἐκηίιτνἁίν ἡἐκηί τῦθο, α ἐκηίιτῦθο, τῖ ἐκηίι τςἸυαα τῖ ἐ Χιτ (Gal_1:22), τνἐκηίντυθο τνοσνἐ τ Ἰυαᾳἐ Χιτ Ἰσῦ and in Act_20:28 we have the uncertain passage τνἐκηίντῦΚρο or τῦΘο, where Θό must, if the correct reading, be used of Χιτς It is a habit of St. Paul to speak on behalf of the churches as a whole: cf. 16:4; 1Co_7:17; 1Co_14:33; 2Co_8:18; 2Co_11:28; and Hort suggests that this unique phrase is used to express ‘the way in which the Church of Rome was an object of love and respect to Jewish and Gentile Churches alike’ (Rom. and Eph. i. 52).
WARNING AGAINST FALSE TEACHERS
16:17-20. Beware of those breeders of division and mischief-makers who pervert the Gospel which you were taught. Men such as these are devoted not to Christ but to their own unworthy aims. By their plausible and flattering speech they deceive the unwary. I give you this warning, because your loyalty is well known, and I would have you free from every taint of evil. God will speedily crush Satan beneath your feet.
May the grace of Christ be with you.
17-20. A warning against evil teachers probably of a Jewish character. Commentators have felt that there is something unusual in a vehement outburst like this, coming at the end of an Epistle so completely destitute of direct controversy. But after all as Hort points out (Rom. and Eph. pp. 53-55) it is not unnatural. Against errors such as these St. Paul has throughout been warning his readers indirectly, he has been building up his hearers against them by laying down broad principles of life and conduct, and now just at the end, just before he finishes, he gives one definite and direct warning against false teachers. It was probably not against teachers actually in Rome, but against such as he knew of as existing in other churches which he had founded, whose advent to Rome he dreads.
It has been suggested again that ‘St. Paul finds it difficult to finish.’ There is a certain truth in that statement, but it is hardly one which ought to detain us long. When a writer has very much to say, when he is full of zeal and earnestness, there must be much which will break out from him, and may make his letters somewhat formless. To a thoughtful reader the suppressed emotion implied and the absence of regular method will really be proofs of authenticity. It may be noted that we find in the Epistle to the Philippians just the same characteristics: there also in 3:1, just apparently as he is going to finish the Epistle, the Apostle makes a digression against false teachers.
17. σοεν ‘to mark and avoid.’ The same word is used in Php_3:17 σμιηα μυγνσε ἀεφί κὶσοετ τὺ οτ πρπτῦτςin exactly the opposite sense, ‘to mark so as to follow.’
δχσαίι cf. Gal_5:20. Those divisions which are the result of the spirit of strife and rivalry (ἔι and ζλς and which eventually if persisted in lead to αρσι. The σάδλ are the hindrances to Christian progress caused by these embittered relations.
τνδδχν not ‘Paulinism,’ but that common basis of Christian doctrine which St. Paul shared with all other teachers (1Co_15:1), and with which the teaching of the Judaizers was in his opinion inconsistent.
ἐκίαε cf. Rom_3:11. The ordinary construction is with ἀόand the genitive (a) of the cause avoided ἀὸκκῦ(1Pe_3:11), or (b) of the person.
18. These false teachers are described as being self-interested in their motives, specious and deceptive in their manners. Cf. Php_3:19 ὦ τ τλςἀώεα ὦ ὁθὸ ἡκιί, κὶἡδξ ἐ τ ασύῃατν ο τ ἐίεαφοονε.
τ ἑυῶ κιί. These words do not in this case appear to mean that their habits are lax and epicurean, but that their motives are interested, and their conceptions and objects are inadequate. So Origen: Sed et quid causae sit, qua iurgia in ecclesiis suscitantur, et lites, divini Spiritus instinctu aperit. Ventris, inquit, gratia: hoc est, quaestus et cupiditatis. The meaning is the same probably in the somewhat parallel passages Php_3:17-21; Col_2:20-4. So Hort (Judaistic Christianity, p. 124) explains τπιορσν to mean ‘a grovelling habit of mind, choosing lower things as the primary sphere of religion, and not τ ἄω the region in which Christ is seated at God’s right hand.’
Χητλγα κὶελγα, ‘fair and flattering speech.’ In illustration of the first word all commentators quote Jul. Capitolinus, Pertinax 13 (in Hist. August): χητλγνeum appellantes qui bene loqueretur et male faceret. The use of ελγαwhich generally means ‘praise,’ ‘laudation,’ or ‘blessing’ (cp. 15:29), in a bad sense as here of ‘flattering’ or ‘specious’ language is rare. An instance is quoted in the dictionaries from Aesop. Fab. 229, p. 150, ed. Av. ἐνσ ελγα επρςἔωέσυο κδμι
19. ἡγρὑῶ ὑαο. ‘I exhort and warn you because your excellence and fidelity although they give me great cause for rejoicing increase my anxiety.’ These words seem definitely to imply that there were not as yet any dissensions or erroneous teaching in the Church. They are (as has been noticed) quite inconsistent with the supposed Ebionite character of the Church. When that theory was given up, all ground for holding these words spurious was taken away.
θλ δ ὑᾶ. St. Paul wishes to give this warning without at the same time saying anything to injure their feelings. He gives it because he wishes them to be discreet and wary, and therefore blameless. In Mat_10:16 the disciples are to be φόιο and ἀέαο: see also Php_2:15.
20. ὁδ Θὸ τςερνς See on 15:13. It is the ‘God of peace’ who will thus overthrow Satan, because the effect of these divisions is to break up the peace of the Church.
σνρψι ‘will throw him under your feet, that you may trample upon him.’
τνΣτνν In 2Co_11:14 St. Paul writes ‘for even Satan fashioneth himself into an angel of light. It is no great thing therefore if his ministers also fashion themselves as ministers of righteousness.’ The ministers of Satan are looked upon as impersonating Satan himself, and therefore if the Church keeps at peace it will trample Satan and his wiles under foot.
ἡχρςκτλ St. Paul closes this warning with a salutation as at the end of an Epistle.
There is very considerable divergence in different authorities as to the benedictions which they insert in these concluding verses.
(1) The TR. reads in ver. 20 ἡχρςτῦΚρο ἡῶ Ἰσῦ[Χιτῦ μθ ὑῶ.
This is supported by אA B C L P, &c., Vulg. &c., Orig.-lat.
It is omitted by D E F G Sedul.
(2) In ver. 24 it reads ἡχρςτῦΚρο ἡῶ Ἰ Χ μτ πνω ὑῶ. ὰή.
This is omitted by אA B C, Vulg. codd. (am. fuld. harl.) Boh. Aeth. Orig.-lat.
It is inserted by D E F G L;, &c., Vulg. Harcl. Chrys. &c. Of these F G L omit vv. 25-27, and therefore make these words the end of the Epistle.
(3) A third and smaller group puts these words at the end of ver. 27: P. 17, 80, Pesh. Arm. Ambrstr.
Analyzing these readings we find:
אA B C, Orig.-lat. have a benediction at ver. 21 only.
D E F G have one at ver. 24 only.
L, Vulg. clem., Chrys., and the mass of later authorities have it in both places.
P has it at ver. 21, and after ver. 27.
The correct text clearly has a benediction at ver. 21 and there only; it was afterwards moved to a place after ver. 24, which was very probably in some MSS. the end of the Epistle, and in later MSS., by a natural conflation, appears in both. See the Introduction, §9.
GREETINGS OF ST. PAUL’S COMPANIONS
16:21-23. All my companions—Timothy, Lucius, Jason, and Sosipater—greet you. I Tertius, the amanuensis, also give you Christian greeting. So too do Gaius, and Erastus, treasurer of Corinth, and Quartus.
21-23. These three verses form a sort of postscript, added after the conclusion of the letter and containing the names of St. Paul’s companions.
21. Τμθο had been with St. Paul in Macedonia (2Co_1:1): of his movements since then we have no knowledge. The μνwith σνρό is omitted by B.
Λύιςmight be the Lucius of Cyrene mentioned Act_13:1. Ἰσνis probably the one mentioned in Act_17:5-7, Act_17:9 as St. Paul’s host, and Σσπτο may be the same as the Σπτο of Act_20:4, who was a native of Berea. If these identifications are correct, two of these three names are connected with Macedonia, and this connexion is by no means improbable. They had attached themselves to St. Paul as his regular companions, or come to visit him from Thessalonica. In any case they were Jews (ο σγεεςμυcf. ver. 7). It was natural that St. Paul should ledge with a fellow-countryman.
22. ὁγάα. St. Paul seems generally to have employed an amanuensis, see 1Co_16:21; Col_4:18; 2Th_3:17, and cf. Gal_6:11 ἴεεπλκι ὑῖ γάμσνἔρψ τ ἐῇχιί
23. Γϊςwho is described as the host of St. Paul and of the whole Church is possibly the Gaius of 1Co_1:14. In all probability the Christian assembly met in his house. Erastus (cf. 2Ti_4:20) who held the important office of οκνμςτςπλω, ‘the city treasurer,’ is presumably mentioned as the most influential member of the community.
THE CONCLUDING DOXOLOGY
16:25-27. And now let me give praise to God, who can make you firm believers, duly trained and established according to the Gospel that I proclaim, the preaching which announces Jesus the Messiah; that preaching in which God’s eternal purpose, the mystery of his working, kept silent since the world began, has been revealed, a purpose which the Prophets of old foretold, which has been preached now by God’s express command, which announces to all the Gentiles the message of obedience in faith: to God, I say, to Him who is alone wise, be the glory for ever through Jesus Messiah. Amen.
25-27. The Epistle concludes in a manner unusual in St. Paul with a doxology or ascription of praise, in which incidentally all the great thoughts of the Epistle are summed up. Although doxologies are not uncommon in these Epistles (Gal_1:5; Rom_11:36), they are not usually so long or so heavily weighted; but Eph_3:21; Php_4:20; 1Ti_1:17 offer quite sufficient parallels; the two former at a not much later date. Ascriptions of praise at the conclusion of other Epp. are common, Heb_13:20, Heb_13:21;