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Jdg_20:14-28
[2 Jdg_20:18.— îִé éַòֲìֶäÎìָּðåּ : “Who shall go up for us.” Compare “Textual and Grammatical,” note 2, on Jdg_1:1.—Tr.]
Benjamin, however, would certainly have given up all thought of resistance, if the singular exposition were correct, which makes all the 400,000 men of Israel to proceed against Gibeah of Benjamin. This tribe numbered 26,700 men fit for military service. That the whole of this force is at once brought into the field is a matter easily explained, seeing they are about to enter on a desperate war. But that all the 400,000 men of all Israel appeared within the limited district of Gibeah, is both in itself and strategically improbable. The renewed mention of this number in Jdg_20:17, is only designed to point out the enormous superiority of Israel in the means of war; just as to indicate the superior strength of Prussia over Denmark, it has doubtless happened that persons have spoken of the 500,000 men at the command of the Prussian state. But it surely could not occur that those 500,000 should all be sent against Schleswig. Nor is there anything in our narrative to require a different conclusion with reference to the 400,000 of Israel. On the contrary, we have, as above explained, the definite statement that 40,000 men were chosen for the war against Benjamin, which still left the advantage of numbers with the national army. The expositors, in considering Jdg_20:9, have overlooked the fact that the purpose for which the lot was used is fully described in Jdg_20:10; that the mere business of procuring provisions was not of such a nature as to demand such exactness of statement; that further, ìָ÷ַçַú stands perfectly parallel with ìַòֲùåֹú and ìְáåֹàָí ìְâֶáַò , and that therefore the tenth part was levied for the purpose of executing judgment on Benjamin. It is also well known that the expression “sons of Israel,” in Jdg_20:19, stands not only for all the tribes, but is used in all the war narratives we have hitherto considered, of single tribes as well. Should it be objected, that especially according to Biblical narratives, the defeat of great armies by small ones is not an unheard of thing, it must be admitted that this is indeed true. But whenever this occurred in Biblical narratives, the victors had the cause of God and of truth on their side. And whenever that was the case—and it may perhaps be assumed to have been the case in the battle of Marathon also—the victory was of so decisive a character as to admit of no comparison with the ultimately useless successes of Benjamin. Gibeah means “height;” and victory remained with the Benjamites, as long as they kept their position on the elevated points. But what specially proves that the narrator views the army of Israel as composed of 40,000 men, is the circumstance that in the first engagement 22,000, and in the second, 18,000, together exactly 40,000, were put hors de combat. He mentions this to show that the assurance which Israel felt that a tenth part of its forces were enough to settle with Benjamin, was not justified in the event. Properly speaking, they are only ten tribes who confront Benjamin; and 40,000 are the tenth part of their available military strength: it costs, therefore, the military capacity of what, in a certain sense, is a tribe, before a tribe like Benjamin succumbs. The losses indicate, as we shall point out farther on, that Israel’s cause in this war was by no means a perfectly pure one.
Jdg_20:14-17. And the sons of Benjamin gathered themselves together out of their districts unto Gibeah. Expositors have taken offense here at the word äֶòָøִéí , as if the Benjamites had only lived in cities; but the narrator designs to state that the fighting men of Benjamin assembled themselves from all the regions assigned to the tribe at Gibeah, as a fixed point of rendezvous, and at the same time for the purpose of protecting this city, as the special object of attack, against the other tribes. The number, also, here given of the tribe, 26,700, appeared to many not to harmonize with the subsequent enumeration of 25,700 men (Jdg_20:35; Jdg_20:47). But it would have been surprising, indeed, if after two engagements, in which the enemy lost 40,000 men, none of Benjamin’s men had been found wanting. Accordingly, the corrections suggested even as anciently as the Septuagint and Josephus, are less credible than this natural difference between the beginning and the end of the war. Of the 26,700, only 700 belonged to Gibeah,—a statement which is made for the purpose of testifying to the strong sense of community, through which the whole tribe takes up the cause of these few. The connection of Jdg_20:16 with the preceding is perfectly clear. It states expressly that in the entire host ( îִëֹּì äָòָí ), there were 700 left-handed persons (cf. on these at Jdg_3:15), who were skillful slingers. This number has nothing to do with the 700 of Jdg_20:15. Since the Benjamites defended themselves from the heights, the far-throwing slingers were of special value. They were slingers, perhaps, because they were left handed. According to the Cyropœdia, Cyrus caused all who were incapable of bearing other arms to exercise themselves in slinging. The Persians were fond of using slingers (Brisson, p. 658). The friend of the younger Cyrus, Mithridates, had four hundred slingers, “exceedingly light and active” (Anab. iii. 3, 6). The Rhodian slingers threw leaden plummets to a great distance. The Achæans struck any part of the body at which they aimed. That skill in slinging was not confined to Benjamin, is evident from David’s victory over Goliath. What a terrible weapon the sling could be, is demonstrated by the narrative of Livy concerning the Balearians, who hurled such a quantity of stones, like thickest hail showers, on the approaching Carthaginian fleet, as to prevent them from casting anchor (xxviii. 37).
Jdg_20:18. And the sons of Israel arose, and went up to Bethel, and inquired of God ( áֵּàìֹäִéí ). It is Jehovah who answers, but their inquiry was addressed to Elohim. It is no wonder that they suffered a defeat. For they approach God without sorrow because they are obliged to fight against a brother tribe, without repentance for their own sins, and without sacrifices. It is thus that heathen inquire of their Elohim, just as oracles were consulted from a desire to know the future. Nor do they ask whether they should advance, whether they shall conquer—that they regard as certain—but who shall first attack. The answer was: “Judah shall go up first.” It conforms in scope to their inquiry. They have not inquired concerning victory; hence, the answer contains nothing to inform them on this head. Had any other tribe but Judah been named, that might have been interpreted into an assurance of victory; for Judah always marched at the head (cf. on Jdg_1:2). Judah’s leading on the present occasion is, therefore, only in accordance with the common rule. The divine response abstains from giving any information beyond what the inquiry called for. This circumstance might have been a warning to them, had they been less certain. But does not the inquiry and its answer countenance the opinion that all the troops of all the tribes (400,000 men) were encamped before Gibeah? But in that case, we would have to suppose, in accordance with the analogy of Jdg_1:2, that Judah began the conflict alone, which is against the whole narrative. On the contrary, the question rather serves to show that the 40,000 represented all Israel on a decimated scale; that they were not chosen according to tribes, but by the lot, out of the whole people. Consequently, the internal relations of this army differed from what they would have been, had the selection been according to tribes. Hence arose the question: Who shall take the lead in this army? God replies: “Judah,—as always”; and leaves every other question undetermined.
Jdg_20:19 ff.. And the men of Israel arrayed themselves for battle with them at Gibeah ( åַéַòַøְëøּ , they formed a îַòֲøָëָä , an acies, cf. on Jdg_6:26), but the untrustworthy character of their generalship demonstrates itself thereby. Without a definite plan of attack and of the war, they dispose themselves before the city, and hope thereby to terrify the threatened tribe. But the latter falls upon them, and institutes a great destruction among them. The text says: åַéּùִׁçִéúåּ ëְéùְׂøָàֵì . The word ùָׁçַú is not only to kill, but also to wound, and to disable for war.
It is to be assumed, as a matter of course, although it is not stated, that after this first engagement, and again after the second, some time elapsed before a renewal of hostilities took place. It was unnecessary to state a fact that lay in the nature of the case. The troops were reinforced after the first defeat, although no thought was as yet entertained of adopting a different battle-plan, by which the enemy might be drawn away from his favorable position on the height. They determined, however, not to await an attack this time, as formerly, but to make one ( åַéִּ÷ְøְëåּ Jdg_20:24); for this is the meaning of ÷ָøַë (to advance at a rapid march), when used of movements in war. But, more important still, they begin to lose their self-righteous assurance. They go to Bethel, and weep there. They see how lamentable it is, to fight against their brethren, and lose thousands of lives in such a war. They begin to doubt whether their cause be a good one; and hence they inquire not now of an Elohim, after the manner of the heathen, but of their Elohim, Jehovah. The answer says: “Go up,” but gives no promise of victory. In this way, the battle is renewed,—not on the next day after the former, but for the second time. They still fail to conquer Gibeah: the attack is repulsed, and the loss, though not as great as before, is yet terribly large.
The divine reply, “Go up,” was not a deception of the people, but was grounded in the sad necessity of chastizing both parts of the warring nation. Had the answer been, “Go not up,” Israel would have abandoned the war, and Benjamin would have been hardened in the pride of successful resistance. Israel, on the other hand, by going up and experiencing defeat, would again be brought nearer to the right spirit, which alone insures victory in Israel. Accordingly, in Jdg_20:26 this spirit manifests itself. Proceeding to Bethel, they no longer merely weep there, and lament over the calamity of waging war on their brethren at such fearful sacrifices, but they abide in prayer and fasting. It is a sign of the penitence which they feel on account of their own sins. Hitherto, they had fought against Benjamin under a feeling of their own superior virtue, as if among their opponents there had been only sinners, among themselves none but Israelites without guile. Theirs was an exhibition of Pharisaism, which modern history also carries on all its pages, in which there is much to be read of “moral indignation,” but very little of “righteous self-knowledge” and repentance. Through the command of Lev_23:26-32, concerning the day of atonement, on which all nourishment was to be withheld from the body, fasting became in Israel the sign of confession of sin and repentance. The word öåּí occurs here for the first time: in the Books of Samuel it is the ordinary term. The great victory of Samuel over the Philistines is also preceded by a fast (1Sa_7:6). The signification of the word resembles that of úַּòְðִéú , a fast, from òָðָä (Lev_23:27 : åִòִðִּéúֶí ) oppressit, domuit, and is etymologically connected with the Sanskrit dam, äáìᾶí , domare, to tame. The Sanskrit prâja, to fast, is in like manner explained as meaning “to restrain one’s self” (cf. Benfey, Gr. Gram. ii. 202).—Israel now performs what it had formerly neglected: it brings burnt-offerings and peace-offerings—the burnt-offerings as penitential offerings for the past, as in Jdg_6:26 ff; the peace-offerings as votive offerings with reference to the future (Lev_7:16). The Jewish expositors have a beautiful explanation. They derive ùְׁìָîִéí from ùָׁìåֹí , peace. The last word of the law concerning sacrifices in Leviticus 7. is ùָׁìָîִéí (Jdg_20:37); and peace, say they, is the close of every holy life (cf. my Irene, p. 37.)
In Jdg_20:27-28, the words: “for the ark. … those days,” form a parenthetical intercalation, which, as we shall point out below, is of importance in determining the time to which the events belong. After repentance and sacrifices, Israel inquires now for the third time of the Urim and Thummim; and now only, when they who inquire are in the right frame of mind, and receive a full and favorable reply, is the statement inserted that the ark of the covenant was at Bethel, and that Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron, was the high-priest. And now the answer is not simply “Go up,” but conveys the assurance, “to-morrow will I give victory into thine hand.”
Footnotes:
Jdg_20:16.— éַçֲèִà , from çָèָà , to miss, whence çַèָּàú , a miss, failure, sin. The Greek ἁìáñôßá is explained in a similar way (cf. Ernesti, die Theorie vom Ursprung der Sünde, p. 10, where the reference to our passage, however must not be suffered to mislead, as if the substantive çַèָּàú were read).
[Jdg_20:18.— îִé éַòֲìֶäÎìָּðåּ : “Who shall go up for us.” Compare “Textual and Grammatical,” note 2, on Jdg_1:1.—Tr.]
Compare Dunker, Gesch. des Alterthums, iv. 38, who however leans towards the side of Crissa as against the priesthood of Delphi.
Livy (xxxviii. 29) describes their slingers quite fully: Non capita solum hostium vulnerabant, sed quem locum destinassent cris.
[How came the ark to be at Bethel, if the one national sanctuary was at Shiloh? Hengstenberg (Keil also) replies that it was brought from Shiloh to Bethel during the war. For his arguments, see Pentateuch, ii. 37–39, Ryland’s edition For our author’s explanation, see the “Concluding Note, on p. 269.—Tr.]