(3.) The fast of the seventh month. — Commemorating the complete sack of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, and the death of Gedaliah (2 Kings 25), on the 3d of Tisri (comp. Sedera Olam Rabba, c. 26).
(4.) The fast of the tenth month. — On the 10th of Tebeth, to commemorate the receiving by Ezekiel and the other captives in Babylon of the news of the destructian of Jerusalem (Eze_33:21; compare 2Ki_25:1).
These four fasts have been Christianized, and tradition tells us that their transfer into the Christian Church was made by the Roman bishop Callistus (flour. A.D. 223). To deprive them, however, of their Jewish appearance, the whole year was divided into four seasons (quatnor tempora), and a fast was appointed for one week of each season (compare Herzog, Encyklopadie, 3:336).
(5.) The fast of Esther. — Additional to the above; kept on the 13th of Adar (Est_4:16). SEE ESTHER (FAST OF).
Some other events mentioned in the Mishna are omitted as unimportant. Of those here stated several could have had nothing to do with the fasts in the time of the prophet. It would seem most probable, from the mode in which he has grouped them together, that the original purpose of all four was to commemorate the circumstances connected with the commencement of the captivity, and that the other events were subsequently associated with them on the ground of some real or fancied coincidence of the time of occurrence. As regards the fast of the fifth month, at least, it can hardly be doubted that the captive Jews applied it exclusively to the destruction of the Temple, and that St. Jerome was right in regarding as the reason of their request to be released from its observance the fact that it had no longer any purpose after the new Temple was begun. As this fast (as well as the three others) is still retained in the Jewish calendar, we must infer either that the priests did not agree with the Babylonian Jews, or that the fast, having been discontinued for a time, was renewed after the destruction of the Temple by Titus.
The number of annual fasts in the present Jewish calendar has been multiplied to twenty-eight, a list of which is given by Reland (Antiq. page 274). SEE CALENDAR.
2. Public fasts were occasionally proclaimed to express national humiliation on account of sin or misfortune, and to supplicate divine favor in regard to some great undertaking or threatened danger. In the case of public danger, the proclamation appears to have been accompanied with the blowing of trumpets (Joe_2:1-15; comp. Taanith, 1:6). The following instances are recorded of strictly national fasts: Samuel gathered "all Israel" to Mizpeh and proclaimed a fast, performing at the same time what seems to have been a rite symbolical of purification, when the people confessed their sin in having worshipped Baalimn and Ashtaroth (1Sa_7:6); Jehoshaphat appointed one "throughout all Judah" when he was preparing for war against Moab and Ammon (2Ch_20:3); in the reign of Jehoiakim, one was proclaimed for "all the people in Jerusalem, and all who came thither out of the cities of Judah," when the prophecy of Jeremiah was publicly read by Baruch (Jer_36:6-10; comp. Bar_1:5); three days after the feast of Tabernacles, when the second Temple was completed, "the children of Israel assembled with fasting, and with sackclothes and earth upon them," to hear the law read, and to confess their sins (Neh_9:1). There are references to general fasts in the prophets (Joe_1:14; Joe_2:15; Isaiah 58), and two are noticed in the books, of the Maccabees (1Ma_3:46-47; 2Ma_13:10-12).
There are a considerable number of instances of cities and bodies of men observing fasts on occasions in which they were especially concerned. In the days of Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron, when the men of Judah had been defeated by those of Benjamin, they fasted in making preparation for another battle (Jdg_20:26). David and his men fasted for a day on account of the death of Saul (2Sa_1:12), and the men of Jabesh Gilead fasted seven days on Saul's burial (1Sa_31:13). Jezebel, in the name of Ahab, appointed a fast for the inhabitants of Jezreel, to render more striking, as it would seem, the punishment about to be inflicted on Naboth (1Ki_21:9-12). Ezra proclaimed a fast for his companions at the river of Ahava, when he was seeking for God's help and guidance in the work he was about to undertake (Ezr_8:21-23). Esther, when she was going to intercede with Ahasuerus, commanded the Jews of Shushan neither to eat nor drink for three days (Est_4:16). A fast of great strictness is recorded in the Scriptures as having been proclaimed by the heathen king of Nineveh to avert the destruction threatened by Jehovah (Jon_2:5-9).
Public fasts expressly on account of unseasonable weather and of famine may perhaps be traced in the first and second chapters of Joel. In later times they assumed great importance, and form the main subject of the treatise Taanith in the Mishna. The Sanhedrim ordered general fasts when the nation was threatened with any great evil, such as drought or famine (Josephus, Life, § 56; Taanith, 1:5), as was usual with the Romans in their supplications (Livy, 3:7; 10:23).
3. Private occasional fasts are recognised in one passage of the law (Num_30:13). The instances given of individuals fasting under the influence of grief, vexation, or anxiety are numerous (1Sa_1:7; 1Sa_20:34; 2Sa_3:35; 2Sa_12:16; 1Ki_21:27; Ezr_10:6; Neh_1:4; Dan_10:3). The fasts of forty days of Moses (Exo_24:18; Exo_34:28; Deu_9:18) and of Elijah (1Ki_19:8) are, of course, to be regarded as special acts of spiritual discipline, faint though wonderful shadows of that fast in the wilder ness of Judaea, in which all true fasting finds its mean ing (Mat_4:1-2). After the exile private fasts became verya frequert (Lightfoot, p. 318), awaiting the call of no special occasion, but entering as a regular part of the current religious worship (Sueton. Aug. 76; Tacit. Hist. 5:4, 3). In Jdt_8:6 we read that Judith fasted all the days of her widowhood, "save the eves of the sabbaths, and the sabbaths, and the eves of the new moons, and the new moons, and the feasts and the solemn days of the house of Israel." In Tobit 12 prayer is declared to be good with fasting; see also Luk_2:37; Mat_9:14. The parable of the Pharisee and Publican (Luk_18:9; comp. Mat_9:14) shows how much the Pharisees were given to voluntary and private fasts, "I fast twice a week." The first was on the fifth day of the week, on which Moses ascended to the top of Mount Sinai; the second was on the second day, on which he came down (Taanith, 2:9; Hieros. Mlegillah, 75, 1). This bi-weekly fasting has also been adopted in the Christian Church; but Monday and Thursday were changed to Wednesday and Friday (feria quarta et sexta), as commemorative of the betrayal and crucifixion of Christ. Of a similar semi-occasional character was the First-born sons' fast (
úִּòֲðִéú áְּëåֹã
), on the day precedrng the feast of Passover, in commemoration of the fact that while God on that occasion smote all the first-born of the Egyptians, he spared those of the house of Israel (comp. Exo_12:29, etc.; Sopherim, 21:3). SEE FIRST-BORN.
The Essenes and the Therapeutae also were much given to such observances (Philo, Vit. Contenmpl. page 613; Euseb. Prop. Evan. 9:3). Fasts were considered a useful exercise in preparing the mind for special religious impressions; as in Dan_10:2 sq. (see also Act_13:3; Act_14:23). From Mat_17:21 : "Howbeit this kind (of demons) goeth not out but by prayer and fasting," it would appear that the practice under consideration was considered in the days of Christ to act in certain special cases as an exorcism.
Fasting (as stated above) was accompanied by the ordinary signs of grief among the Israelites, as may be seen in 1Ma_3:47. The abstinence was either partial or total. In the case of the latter food was entirely foregone, but this ordinarily took place only in fasts of short duration; and abstinence from food in Eastern climes is more easy and less detrimental (if not in some cases positively useful) than keeping from food would be with us in these cold, damp Northern regions (Est_4:16). In the case of partial abstinence the time was longer, the denial in degree less. When Daniel (10: 2) was " mourning three full weeks," he ate no "pleasant bread, neither came flesh nor wine in his mouth." There does not appear to have been any fixed and recognized periods during which these fasts endured. From one day to forty days fasts were observed. The latter period appears to have been regarded with feelings of peculiar sanctity, owing, doubtless, to the above instances in Jewish history. There are monographs, entitled De jejuniis Hebraeorum, by Opitz (Kil. 1680), Peringer (Holm. 1684), and Lund (Aboae, 1696).
II. In New Testament. — We have already seen how qualified the sanction was which Moses gave to the observance of fasting as a religious duty. In the same spirit which actuated him, the prophets bore testimony against the lamentable abuses to which the practice was turned in the lapse of time and with the increase of social corruption (Isa_58:4 sq.; Jer_14:12; Zec_7:5). Continuing the same species of influence and perfecting that spirituality in religion which Moses began, our Lord rebuked the Pharisees sternly for their outward and hypocritical pretences in the fasts which they observed (Mat_6:16 sq.), and actually abstained from appointing any fast whatever as a part of his own religion. In Mat_9:14, the question of the reason of this avoidance is expressly put, “Whydo we (the disciples of John) and the Pharisees fast oft, but thy disciples fast not?" The answer shows the voluntary character of fasting in the Christian Church, "Can the children of the bridechamber fast?"
It is true that a period is alluded to when these children "shall fast;" but the general scope of the passage, taken in connection with the fact that Christ's disciples fasted not, and with the other fact, that while John (Mat_11:18-19) "came neither eating nor drinking," the Son of man "came eating and drinking," clearly shows that our Lord, as he did not positively enjoin religious fasting, so by the assertion that a time would come when, being deprived of the (personal presence of the) bridegroom, his disciples would fast, meant to intimate the approach of a period of general mourning, and employed the term "fast" derivatively to signify rather sorrow of mind than any corporeal self-denial (Neander, Leben Jesu, pages 231, 305). In his sermon on the mount, however (Mat_6:17), while correcting the self-righteous austerity of Pharisaic fasting, he clearly allows the practice itself, but leaves the frequency, extent, and occasion of its performance to the private conscience and circumstances of each individual. That the early Christians observed the ordinary fasts which the public practice of their day sanctioned is clear from more than one passage in the New-Testament Scriptures (Act_13:2; Act_14:23; 2Co_6:5); but in this they probably did nothing more than yield obedience, as in general they thought themselves bound to do, to the law of their fathers so long as the Mosaic institutions remained entire. Although the great body of the Christian Church held themselves free from all ritual and ceremonial observances when God in his providence had brought Judaism to a termination in the rasure of the holy city and the closing of the Temple, yet the practice of fasting thus originated might easily and unobservedly have been transmitted from year to year and from age to age, and that the rather because so large a portion of the disciples being Jews (to say nothing of the influence of the Ebionites in the primitive Church), thousands must have been accustomed to fasting from the earliest days of their existence, either in their own practice, or the practice of their fathers, relatives, and associates (comp. Corinthians 7:5). SEE FASTING.
Literature. — Ciacconius, De jejuniis apud antiquos (Romans 1599); Tiegenhorn, Descriptio jejuniorum (Jen. 1607); Drexel, Dejrjunio (Antw. 1637); Dalleus, De jejuniis et Quadragesima (Dauentr. 1654); Ortlob, De ritu jejuniorum (Viteb. 1656); Lochner, De jejunio contra pontificios (Rost. 1656); Launoy, De ciborum delectu in jejuniis (Par. 1663); Funke, Dejejuniis (Altenb. 1663); Nicolai, Dejejunio Christiano (Par. 1667); Sommer, De jejuniorum natura (Jen. 1670); Sagittarius, De jejuniis veterum (Jen. 1672); Varenius, Jejunium Christianorum (Rost. 1684); Salden, De jejuniis (in Otia theol. [Amst. 1684], page 658 sq.); Thomasin, Traite des jeunes (Paris, 1690); Hooper, Discourse concerning Lent (Lond. 1696); Ortlob, De jejunio Mosis quadragesim Tali (Lips. 1701); Andry, Le regime de careme (Par. 1710); Pfanner, De jejuniis Christianor. (in Obss. sacr. 2:324-520); Mabillen, Jeune de l'Ep'phanie (in (Euvresposth. 1:431 sq.); Hildebrand, De jejunio (Helmst. 1719); Bohmer, De jure cira jejunantes (Hal. 1722); Schutz, De quat. temporum jejuniis (Wemig. 1723); Volland, De jejuniis Sabbaticis (Rost. 1724); Muratori, De quat. temporuns jejuniis (in Anecd. 2:246 sq.); Bernhold, De jejunio partiali (Altd. 1725); Walchf De jejunio quadragesimali (Jena, 1727); Bernhold, De jejunio spirituali (Altorf. 1736); Carpzov, Dejejuniis Sabbaticis (Rost. 1741); Seelen, De jejuniis Sabbaticis (Rost. 1741-2); Becker, De jejuniis vett. Christianorum (Leucop. 1742); Ehrlich, De Quadragesimae jejunio (Lips. 1744); Kiesling, De xerophagia ap. Judeos et Christianos (Lips. 1746); Seidel, De Hieronymo, jejunii suasore (Lond. 1747); Schickedanz, De jejunio Sabbatico (Servest. 1768); Karner, Jejunium Christo propasitum (Lips. 1776); Anon. Gesch. den Fastenaustalten (Vien. 1787); Anon. Apologie dujeune (Par. and Genev. 1790); Van Falekenhausen, Ueb. d. 40thg. Fisitengebet (Augsburg, 1809); Brauan, Verth. d. Fastens (AVien. 1830); Morin, Jeune chez les anciens (in Mim. da l'Acad. des Inscr. 4:29 sq.). On fasting in the Christian Church, SEE FASTING.