(b) Christianity. — The Nestorians (q.v.), who dwelt in large numbers among the Mongolians, seem to have exerted but little if any influence on this heathen people. What was by the early Christians regarded as an indication of their leaning towards the religion and culture of the Christian dispensation, proves to have been only a temporary accommodation. The Western or Roman Church has made repeated attempts to convert the Mongols. In the 13th century, when their invasion threatened to overthrow European society and civilization, the Western pontiff, Innocent IV (1245), sent two embassies, one to charge these sanguinary warriors to desist from their desolating inroads, the other to win them over to Christianity.
The first of these, consisting of Dominicans, headed by one named Ascelin (Neander, Kirchengeschichte, 7:66), approached the commander-in-chief of the Mongol forces in Persia, but was unsuccessful. The other, consisting of Franciscans, headed by an Italian, Johannes de Plano Carpini, a disciple and devoted friend of Francis d'Assisi, pushed quite to the Tartaric court, and approached the khan in person (1246); but though they secured a hearing before the Mongolian throne, they yet failed to accomplish more than that the Mongol chief, like Vladimir of Russia, gave a patient hearing to Romanist, Nestorian, Buddhist, and Mohammedan, who each in their turn sought his conversion and influence. In 1253 Louis IX, hearing of the Mongolian's tendency towards Christianity, despatched another Franciscan, — William de *Aubruiquis (Neander, 7:69); but he reported that the Mongolian chief listened patiently to Christian emissaries, “filled with the idea that the Mongol conquests would come to an end unless the gods of foreign countries were propitiated.” Only one Christian Church had been founded. Rubruiquis, however, succeeded in baptizing about sixty persons; yet, after all, Rubruiquis's success was not flattering, and he finally returned to Europe disheartened. The removal, five years later, of the capital of the Mongol empire to China (q.v.), further obstructed the progress of Christianity in Mongolia.
There developed, however, among its simple pastoral tribes an article of belief which promised much for the final establishment of Christianity, viz. the belief in the existence of one almighty Being. In their heathen views, of course, they could not content themselves with acknowledging an earthly ruler unless a supernatural origin could be assigned to him, and they made the khan the son of this one almighty Power. an earthly ruler whom all men were bound to obey. While thus there was room for the most comprehensive toleration, there was room also for every kind of superstition; and the desire to bring the one Supreme, living apart in awful isolation, into nearer communion with his feeble worshipper — to bridge over the awful chasm between them — predisposed the people to a composite religion of Buddhism and Lamaism (see Hardwick, Christ and other Masters, volume 2, Append. 2; 3:89; Middle Ages, page 235). Still, “the son of Heaven” entertained a respect for all religions, and not least for Christianity. Marco Polo, who had been sent there by Gregory X in 1274, reports Kublai Khan as saying: “There are four great prophets who are reverenced by the different classes of mankind. The Christians regard Jesus Christ as their God; the Saracens, Mohammed; the Jews, Moses; the idolators, Sakyamuni Buddha, the most eminent among their idols. I honor and respect all the four” (Travels, page 167, ed. Bohn, 1854). One of the most successful of the early Christian laborers from the West was John de Monte Corvino, who went to Pekin in 1292, and for eleven years kept alive the flickering spark of Christianity in the Tartar realm. He translated the Scriptures for its people, educated their youth, and trained a native ministry. Yet even his labors bore fruit only while he was on earth; for soon after the close of his life, in 1330, “every vestige of his work was obliterated” (Gieseler, Ecclesiastes Hist. 4:259, 260; Hardwick, Ch. Hist. M.A. pages 235, 237).
This was caused no doubt in a large measure by the termination of the Mongolian rule in China, and the accession of the Ming dynasty in 1370, which, fearing everything foreign, banished Christianity as dangerous to their interests. It remained for the Jesuits to plant Christianity anew. The missionary work performed in Persia, and in the border lands of the Caspian Sea and in Middle Asia, was so insignificant that it is not even Worth mentioning. See Maclean, Hist. of Christian Missions in the M. A. (Lond. 1863, 12mo), pages 370- 77; Assemani, Bibl. Orient. 3:2 sq.; Hue, Journey through the Chinese Empire; Recollections of a Journey through Tartary and Thibet; Schmidt, Forschungen im Gebiete der alteren religiisen, politischen, u. literarischen Bildungsgeschichte der Mongolen u. Tibeter (St. Petersb. 1824); Tumerelli, Kazan, the ancient Capital of the Tartar Khans (Lond. 1854, 2 volumes, 12mo); Neumann, Die Voilker des sidlichen Russlands (Leipsic, 1847); Aboul Ghaze Bhadour Khan, Histoire des Mogols et des Tartares (St. Petersb. 1874), volume 2; Daniels, Handb. d. Geogr. 1:346 sq.; Am. Cyclop. s.v. SEE TARTARY.